scholarly journals Enacting critical community development through anti-gentrification policy advocacy

Author(s):  
Claire Bolton

Abstract Following Newman and Goetz’s call for ‘a critical turn in community development practice and research’ and Fursova’s call for ‘community development as a critical practice aimed at advancing the commons’, this paper argues for a critical community development praxis around gentrification that emphasizes anti-displacement policy. It is more important than ever to look beyond market-friendly strategies and the site of the neighbourhood to shape municipal policy in favour of the ‘right to stay put’. As city governments begin to take the loss of affordable housing in urban centers more seriously, community developers can use vital, localized knowledge to strengthen legislative outcomes. I use a case study of a faith-based community development conference circuit to highlight and analyse the limitations of market-based community development and the promising possibilities of anti-displacement policy advocacy.

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. 708-708
Author(s):  
Muhammad Qureshi ◽  
Atiya Mahmood ◽  
Ghazaleh Akbarnejad ◽  
Rahil Adeli ◽  
Dana Sharon

Abstract Older adults living in rental housing with limited income are at-risk for experiencing life-course disruptions, including social isolation, loneliness and homelessness. To address these needs, one Vancouver-based affordable housing provider for older adults has implemented community development initiatives (CDIs), including resident-led community gardens, workshops, and social events. Based on data from three focus groups, resulting in a total of fifteen participants, this study explored the efficacy of five different CDIs in supporting residents’ social connection and sense of community. Findings revealed that CDIs contribute to increased social engagement and inclusion of older adults living in affordable rental housing. In particular, resident-led community gardens were identified as the most impactful CDI in supporting both social engagement and inclusion, with the added benefit of addressing resident’s food insecurity. We discuss how CDIs can be implemented in various housing settings for low-income older adults as an effective method of supporting aging-in-the-right place. Part of a symposium sponsored by the Environmental Gerontology Interest Group.


2016 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 119-135 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julia Fursova

Abstract The paper explores emerging contradictions in community development, a subset of non-profit sector, within the context of neoliberalization. I examine non-profit sector as a site that has a potential for articulating counter-hegemonic discourse alternative to neoliberalism. Conversely, non-profit sector itself has been subjected to neoliberal co-optation and restructuring that resulted in restricted autonomy of the sector and decreased capacity to advocate for progressive social change. Drawing on my experience as a community engagement worker in one of Toronto's neighbourhood improvement areas, I problematize community development, posing questions about the role of the non-profit agencies in the production of specific socio-economic configurations that may, albeit inadvertently, support neoliberal discourse. Through an example of local community campaign for increased access to public space and services, I highlight options to enhance counter-hegemonic potential of community development as a critical practice aimed at advancing the commons.


2021 ◽  
pp. 107808742110326
Author(s):  
Noli Brazil ◽  
Amanda Portier

Place-based policies commonly target disadvantaged neighborhoods for economic improvement, typically in the form of job opportunities, business development or affordable housing. To ensure that investment is channeled to truly distressed areas, place-based programs narrow the pool of eligible neighborhoods based on a set of socioeconomic criteria. The criteria, however, may not be targeting the places most in need. In this study, we examine the relationship between neighborhood gentrification status and 2018 eligibility for the New Markets Tax Credits, Opportunity Zones, Low Income Housing Tax Credits, and the Community Development Financial Institutions Program. We find that large percentages of gentrifying neighborhoods are eligible for each of the four programs, with many neighborhoods eligible for multiple programs. The Opportunity Zone program stands out, with the probability of eligibility nearly twice as high for gentrifying tracts than not-gentrifying tracts. We also found that the probability of eligibility increases with a greater percentage of adjacent neighborhoods experiencing gentrification.


1978 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 193-208
Author(s):  
Dennis A. Rubini

William of Orange tried to be as absolute as possible. Inroads upon the power of the executive were fiercely resisted: indeed, William succeeded in keeping even the judiciary in a precarious state of independence. To maintain the prerogative and gain the needed supplies from parliament, he relied upon a mixed whig-tory ministry to direct court efforts. Following the Glorious Revolution, the whigs had divided into two principle groups. One faction led by Robert Harley and Paul Foley became the standard-bearers of the broadly based Country party, maintained the “old whig” traditions, did not seek office during William's reign, tried to hold the line on supply, and led the drive to limit the prerogative. The “junto,” “court,” or “new” whigs, on the other hand, were led by ministers who, while in opposition during the Exclusion crisis, held court office, aggressively sought greater offices, and wished to replace monarchy with oligarchy. They soon joined tory courtiers in opposing many of the Country party attempts to place additional restrictions upon the executive. To defend the prerogative and gain passage for bills of supply, William also developed techniques employed by Charles II. By expanding the concept and power of the Court party, he sought to bring together the executive and legislative branches of government through a large cadre of crown office-holders (placemen) who sat, voted, and directed the votes of others on behalf of the government when matters of importance arose in the Commons. So too, William claimed the right to dissolve parliament and call new elections not on a fixed date, as was to become the American practice, but at the time deemed most propitious over first a three-year and then (after 1716) a seven year period.


Urban Studies ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 004209802199889
Author(s):  
Alexander Lord ◽  
Chi-Wan Cheang ◽  
Richard Dunning

Governments the world over routinely undertake Land Value Capture (LVC) to recover some (or all) of the uplift in land values arising from the right to develop in order to fund infrastructure and public goods. Instruments to exact LVC are diverse but are usually implemented independently. However, since 2011 England has been experimenting with a dual approach to LVC, applying both a tariff-style levy to fund local infrastructure (the Community Infrastructure Levy) and negotiated obligations, used primarily to fund affordable housing (Section 106 agreements). In this article we employ a difference-in-differences (DID) method to identify the interaction of these two instruments available to local planning authorities. We explore the question of whether the Community Infrastructure Levy ‘crowds out’ affordable housing secured through Section 106 planning agreements. In so doing we show that the interaction of these two approaches is heterogeneous across local authorities of different types. This raises questions for understanding the economic geography of development activity and the theory and practice of Land Value Capture.


Author(s):  
Leandro Benmergui

As the number of favelas and poor residents of Rio de Janeiro grew quickly by the mid-20th century, they became the object of policymaking, social science research, real estate speculation, and grassroots mobilization. After a decade in which local authorities recognized the de facto presence of favelas but without legally ascertaining the right of permanence, the 1960s and early 1970s witnessed the era of mass eradication. Seemingly contradictory—but complementary—policies also included the development of massive low-income housing complexes and innovative community development and favela urbanization experiences empowered by community organizations with the assistance of experts committed to improving the lives of poor Cariocas (residents of Rio). Favelas in Rio were at the crossroads of a particular interplay of forces: the urgent need to modernize Rio’s obsolete and inadequate urban infrastructure; the new administrative status of the city after the inauguration of Brasilia; and the redefinition of the balance of power between local, municipal, and federal forces in a time of radical politics and authoritarian and technocratic military regimes, Cold War diplomacy, and the transnational flows of expertise and capital.


ICCD ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 135-140
Author(s):  
Inge Hutagalung

Pornography causes damage to the five parts of the brain, especially in the pre frontal cortex (the right part of the brain behind the forehead of logic brain). Consequently the part of the brain responsible for logic will be deformed due to unfiltered hyper stimulation (the brain only seeks pleasure without consequence). In addition, the most worrying impact is a decrease in academic achievement and learning ability, as well as a reduced decision-making ability. Furthermore, an increasing number of active sexually active adolescents will also increase the case of unwanted pregnancies, and abortion actions that are often regarded as a solution to the problem. Through community development activities are expected to be able to contribute in the form of data and information related to the level of pornography addiction that is rife among teenagers. From the understanding that is formed, it is hoped that it can become a material consideration for policy making related to the prevention and handling of pornography among teenagers in Indonesia.


Author(s):  
Amra Šačić Beća

Medicinal sulfuric springs at present-day Ilidža helped to create Roman thermae that gave the Roman municipium the name Aquae. Systematic archaeological examinations conducted by Carl Patch and Esad Pašalić suggest that this Roman  settlement in Ilidža had existed without interruptions from the 1st  to the 4th  century. Based on the comparison of literary sources and the results of archaeologic research and epigraphic inscriptions, this paper will determine the genesis of administrative development of this Roman administrative unit whose administration included the upper course of the Bosna river and the Sarajevo area. This is an attempt at answering the following question: «Can we speak of Aquae in the context of Roman  citizens at all?” Another important question is what methodology should we use to  treat the expression res publica Aquae S(...?) that was carved on the base of Diocletian’s statue discovered in Ilidža. BiH scholarship has so far based its understanding  of this term on Mócsy’s definition of the noun phrase res publica in the context  of “pseudo-municipal” status. The results of analysis of inscriptions found on epigraphic monuments that will be presented in this paper suggest that one should  step away from understanding the phrase res publica as an administrative category. Finally, we should point out that the objective of this paper is to present the territorial and administrative development of Aquae, as it is an exact example of the  Roman municipalization model in the provincial interior. This interior was usually geographically very distant from the most important economic and urban centers  of the Roman Empire that has also left an impact on its cultural and historical development. Systematic archaeological research on the right bank of the Željeznica river  in 2016 and 2017 has revealed several stratigraphic layers which include, among others, the ancient period. These new findings have been discovered more to the  east compared to the previous findings, indicating that the urban complex of Aquae  had been expanding toward the Sarajevo area.


Author(s):  
Shanita Williams ◽  
Janice Phillips ◽  
Kirk Koyama

Policy advocacy and committed resources are essential to address social factors that shape population health. In this article, we discuss nurse advocacy to advance public health and health equity through targeted social determinants, particularly on behalf of poor and disadvantaged persons. We discuss components of the right social policies and consider evidence-based policies that have linked improvements in social and economic conditions with increased physical, emotional, and mental health outcomes among poor and disadvantaged social groups. With a partnership perspective, select social determinants of health (SDOH) and mitigating policies focus nurses' social policy advocacy to improve the health of disadvantaged populations and reduce health inequities. We suggest nurses engage in multisectoral partnerships and adopt a Health in All Policies (HiAP) approach to address social and health needs of concern. The conclusion offers resources and strategies to promote nurse engagement in health policy.


2021 ◽  
pp. 13-16
Author(s):  
Olena HALUS ◽  
Oleksandr BRYHINETS ◽  
Iryna RYZHUK

The paper proves that the realization of the right to a dignified life can be effective only in the framework of legal activities, and the presence of special legal means, which are tools to ensure a dignified human existence, also plays an important role. The analysis revealed that each society has its own standards of understanding the right to a sufficient standard of living, the basis in this case should be the only generally accepted norms and standards, especially those enshrined in international legal instruments. Guarantees of constitutional law and housing and the right to an adequate standard of living are interrelated and represented by a system of political, economic, social conditions, legal means and mechanisms aimed at ensuring the proper exercise of these rights. The system of guarantees of the constitutional right to housing and a sufficient standard of living is represented by general and special (legal) guarantees. The purpose of preventing corruption due to conflict of interest is to form a unified approach of persons authorized to perform state or local government functions and persons equated to them, to understand and comply with the rules of prevention and settlement of conflicts of interest introduced by the Law of Ukraine “On Prevention of Corruption”. Preferential provision of housing for citizens is carried out through certain mechanisms: providing citizens with affordable housing, provided by the Law of Ukraine “On Prevention of the Impact of the Global Financial Crisis on the Development of the Construction Industry and Housing Construction”; state, regional and local housing programs for certain categories of the population; providing social housing to socially vulnerable groups of the population of Ukraine.


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