The Rise of Majorities and Emerging Existential Threats to India and China

Author(s):  
Joshua Castellino

Abstract China and India are comparable in size, complexity, and their relatively recent State-building histories. Commencing in 1947 and 1949 respectively, the relatively recent foundations of India and China highlighted a ‘unity in diversity’ message. The significance of this lay as much in ideology as in a pragmatism that was both central and relatively successful in bringing what could be argued as many civilizations into singular modern States. While the messages about diversity have always been contested in some quarters by rival ethno-nationalists, they remained significant in laying the foundations for a strong ‘national’ identity. To the majority populations, Hindu in India and Han in China this called for restraint to any triumphalism or chauvinism; to the minorities, they called for unshakeable loyalty in return for full citizenship rights. In both cases, these messages were backed by constructive affirmative action measures that, irrespective of their efficacy, served to emphasize the ‘unity in diversity’ message, sowing a degree of fealty towards the State over what may have been more prominent and compelling ethno-religious or ethno-linguistic cleavages. In recent years, however, this message has been significantly altered, as political majoritarianism has begun to oust legally or administratively determined minority protections. This article seeks to offer an assessment of the potential impact on this phenomenon on each country, arguing that it has contributed to instability, sowing seeds for the rise of opposing sub-national identities that the founding parents of each State actively sought to counter in their statecraft.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alex Barraclough-Brady

Children develop a sense of their own national identities, and knowledge of and attitudes towards other nations, around five to seven years old, with the media facilitating such learning. Though multiple psychological studies in this area exist, they must continue given the growing accessibility of media content and its potential impact upon children's attitudes towards people from other nations, and to better relate culture to attribution theory. To address this, content and discourse analyses, and an adapted version of Kelley's covariation model of attribution theory were applied to the children's television series Octonauts to determine how character behaviours were explained to children, how these behaviours relate to character national identities, and the potential representational impact of these relationships. Findings show the majority of behaviours were explained through internal attributions, fitting the series' educational focus, with some national identities being assigned to explain character behaviours or relationships between characters whilst also propagating negative representations of some nations. Findings also discuss missed opportunities for the series to enhance the geographic knowledge of child audiences, and how efforts to change behaviours within episodes potentially influence the moral development of children. Corresponding address: [email protected]


Author(s):  
Nasar Meer

The purpose of this chapter is to locate the discussion about Muslims in Scotland in relation to questions of national identity and multicultural citizenship. While the former has certainly been a prominent feature of public and policy debate, the latter has largely been overshadowed by constitutional questions raised by devolution and the referenda on independence. This means that, while we have undoubtedly progressed since MacEwen (1980) characterised the treatment of ‘race-relations’ in Scotland as a matter either of ‘ignorance or apathy’, the issue of where ethnic, racial and religious minorities rest in the contemporary landscape remains unsettled. One of the core arguments of this chapter is that these issues are all interrelated, and that the present and future status of Muslims in Scotland is tied up with wider debates about the ‘national question’. Hitherto, however, study of national identity in Scotland has often (though not always) been discussed in relation to the national identities of England, Wales and Britain as a whole.


Religions ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (7) ◽  
pp. 475
Author(s):  
Francisco Javier Ramón Solans

The objective of this article is to analyse Mexican national pilgrimages to Rome that took place during the pontificate of Leo XIII (1878–1903). These pilgrimages occurred in the context of a global Catholic mobilisation in support of the papacy, during the so-called Roman Question. This paper’s analysis of these pilgrimages draws from historiography about national pilgrimages, as well as studies on Catholic mobilisation in support of the pope in the second half of the nineteenth century. It is fundamentally based on primary sources of an official nature, such as reports and other printed documents produced on the occasion of the pilgrimage. The study’s primary conclusion is that national pilgrimages to Rome had a polysemic character since they brought together various religious and national identities. The pilgrimages contributed simultaneously to reinforcing the link between Catholicism and Mexican national identity and the global dimension of Catholicism and allegiance to the Holy See.


2019 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susilo Wibisono ◽  
Winnifred Louis ◽  
Jolanda Jetten

Indonesia has seen recent expansions of fundamentalist movements mobilising members in support a change to the current constitution. Against this background, two studies were conducted. In Study 1, we explored the intersection of religious and national identity among Indonesian Muslims quantitatively, and in Study 2, we qualitatively examined religious and national identification among members of moderate and fundamentalist religious organisations. Specifically, Study 1 (N= 178) assessed whether the association of religious and national identity was moderated by religious fundamentalism. Results showed that strength of religious identification was positively associated with strength of national identification for both those high and low in fundamentalism. Using structured interviews and focus group discussions, Study 2 (N =35) examined the way that self-alignment with religious and national groups develops among activists of religious movements in Indonesia. We found that while more fundamentalist activists attached greater importance to their religious identity than to any other identity (e.g., national and ethnic), more moderate activists represented their religious and national identities as more integrated and compatible. We conclude that for Indonesian Muslims higher in religious fundamentalism, religious and national identities appear to be less integrated and this is consequential for the way in which collective agendas are pursued.


2004 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 457-496 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Lawrence Schrad

“Tell a man today to go and build a state,” Samuel Finer once stated, “and he will try to establish a definite and defensible boundary and compel those who live inside it to obey him.” While at best an oversimplification, Finer's insight illuminates an interesting aspect of state-society relations. Who is it that builds the state? How and where do they establish territorial boundaries, and how are those who live within that territory compelled to obey? Generally speaking, these are the questions that will be addressed here. Of more immediate concern is the fate of peoples located in regions where arbitrary land boundaries fall. Are they made loyal to the state through coercion or by their own compulsions? More importantly, how are their identities shaped by the efforts of the state to differentiate them from their compatriots on the other side of the borders? How is the shift from ethnic to national identities undertaken? A parallel elaboration of the national histories of the populations of Karelia and Moldova will shed light on these questions. The histories of each group are marked by a myriad of attempts to differentiate the identity of each ethnic community from their compatriots beyond the state's borders. The results of such overt, state-initiated efforts to differentiate borderland populations by encouraging a national identity at the expense of the ethnic, has ranged from the mundane to the tragic—from uneventful assimilation to persecution and even genocide. As an illustration of the range of possibilities and processes, I maintain that the tragedies of Karelia and Moldova are not exceptional, but rather are a consequence of their geographical straddling of arbitrary borders, and the need for the state to promote a distinctive national identity for these populations to differentiate them socially from their compatriots beyond the frontier.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Damiana kura

This paper will discuss the Pancasila is a comfortable space for the development of unity in diversity as the basis of national identity awareness will thrive indoors Pancasila. Therefore, the Pancasila and Unity in Diversity is kondisif atmosphere for the development of democracy in Indonesia. Democracy is not the cultural nuances of the implementation of democratic ideology therefore be associated with the positive law of a State, as a product of cultural values. Pancasila as a set of cultural values of the nation, is a special distinction (diferentia specifica) with another democracy


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (I) ◽  
pp. 1-13

Pakistan has frequently been viewed as a stronghold of Islamic radicals, often overlooking the fact that various trends of both dormant and obvious conflicts exist between the politics of religion and region. Whereas the former is mainly controlled by the state, the latter is generally influenced by language and ethnicity. The state’s monolithic notion of national identity, from the country’s birth in 1947 to the present, has overshadowed the regional identities mainly the Pashtuns, Baluchis, and Sindhis, and disregarded the minority credos such as Shias, Parsis, Ahmadis, Hindus, and Christians. The present article aims to explore how contemporary Pakistani fiction in English spotlights images of a fragmented national self, underlining plights of the aforementioned marginal groups and exhibiting strong resistance to hidebound national identity. Reviewing contemporary Pakistani fiction in English with a particular focus on the fiction of Bapsi Sidhwa, Sara Suleri, Kamila Shamsie, Nadeem Aslam, Bina Shah, and Jamil Ahmad, this paper aims to bring critical attention of the scholars to the socio-cultural and political valuation of the regional identities.


2014 ◽  
Vol 1 (01) ◽  
pp. 67
Author(s):  
Ayusia Sabhita Kusuma

Regarding the significance of Malacca Strait as a key maritime�s �choke-point� passage betweenIndian and Pacific oceans, some major countries become dependence with the security and safetyin Malacca Sea Lines of Communications (SLOC). China and India are two states-user ofMalacca Strait which sharing common interests of economic, maritime trade and energy supplies.The problem is, as a regional power of each region, India and China have an ambition to controlthe security of Malacca�s Strait. China which is more dependent with its 80% trade and energysupply through Malacca Strait, facing �Malacca dilemma� regarding the issue. Then, with thestrategy of �string of pearls� and the modernization of of People�s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN),China became assertive to save its interests. India, which has control over Indian Ocean then feelthreaten by China�s activities around Malacca Strait and Indian Ocean. India starts and enhancesthe development of Andaman Nicobar Command with US support near Malacca Straits to counterChina�s development. This paper will analyze the development of China�s dan India�s maritimestrategy rivalry in Malacca Straits with the concepts of balance of power and maritime strategy. Keywords: Malacca Strait, China�s maritime strategy, India�s maritime strategy, rivalry, balanceof power


2018 ◽  
Vol 2017 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ankur Kumar Jindal ◽  
Vingesh Pandiarajan ◽  
Raju Khubchandani ◽  
Nutan Kamath ◽  
Tapas Sabui ◽  
...  

Kawasaki disease (KD) is recognized as a leading cause of acquired heart disease in children in developed countries. Although global in distribution, Japan records the highest incidence of KD in the world. Epidemiological reports from the two most populous countries in the world, namely China and India, indicate that KD is now being increasingly recognized. Whether this increased reporting is due to increased ascertainment, or is due to a true increase in incidence, remains a matter of conjecture. The diagnosis and management of KD in developing countries is a challenging proposition. In this review we highlight some of the difficulties faced by physicians in managing children with KD in resource-constrained settings. 


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