International Constraints, Political Turnover, and Voting Consistency in the United Nations General Assembly

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew DiLorenzo ◽  
Bryan Rooney

Abstract Recent studies demonstrate that turnover in domestic political leadership is associated with change in states’ foreign policies. While domestic changes matter even after controlling for international factors, many argue that international factors should overwhelm the effects of domestic turnover on foreign policy change. Yet existing studies tend to focus on other domestic-level variables (e.g., regime type) as constraints on domestic turnover. We consider how three sets of international factors that scholars have argued might outweigh the influence of domestic changes—security environment, socialization, and economic dependence—moderate the effects of domestic coalition changes on variance in voting patterns in the United Nations. To do this, we interact a measure of domestic coalition turnover with various proxies for international context in a statistical model of voting consistency. We find that many international factors are associated with greater consistency in voting behavior. Yet the effects of domestic change on foreign policy are remarkably resilient. We find only limited evidence that the effect of domestic change attenuates as states face more international constraints. The results reinforce the importance of understanding the role of both domestic political factors and international context in shaping foreign policy.

Author(s):  
Andrew Clapham

How are human rights put into practice? What does it mean when governments announce that their foreign policy is concerned with promoting and protecting human rights? Where is the enforcement of these rights? ‘Human rights foreign policy and the role of the United Nations’ considers human rights in terms of foreign policy and international law and examines the UN’s Universal Periodic Review process and the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights. It is only recently that governments have actively involved themselves in how another state treats its nationals, but enthusiasm for human rights in foreign policy ebbs and flows.


1959 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 383-411 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vernon V. Aspaturian

Ever since the constitutional improvisations of February 1, 1944, one of the enigmatic and obscure aspects of Soviet diplomacy has been the precise role of the Union Republics in its execution, administration and procedures. Aside from the participation of the Ukraine and Byelorussia in the work of the United Nations and its affiliated bodies and conferences, little attention has been paid to the role or potential of the Union Republics in Soviet foreign policy. Their apparent diplomatic inertia, however, is misleading, for in marked contrast to their meager formal participation in external affairs is their increasing implication in the quasi-diplomatic maneuvers of the Soviet Government. Furthermore, the juridical capacity of the Republics to embark on diplomatic adventures meets the formal canons of internal and international law, and remains intact in spite of the past dormancy of their diplomatic organs. At opportune moments it may be transmuted into concrete diplomatic benefits.


2016 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 70-84 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel Brazys ◽  
Diana Panke

Many international organizations deal with repeated items on their agendas. The United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) is no exception as many of its resolutions reoccur over time. A novel dataset on UNGA voting on repeated resolutions reveals considerable, but variable, amounts of change on resolutions by states over time. To shed light on underlying causes for voting (in)consistency, this paper draws on IR literature on negotiations and foreign policy changes to develop hypotheses on the role of domestic and international constraints. Our findings suggest that states with limited financial capacity cannot develop their own, principled, voting positions on all norms on the negotiation agenda. Consequently, these states can be more flexible in adjusting their voting position for reoccurring IO norms and are more prone to change their positions over time. Moreover, states with constrained decision-makers change position less frequently due to pluralistic gridlock. Finally, while large and rich states make a small number of purposive vote shifts, poor and aid-recipient states engage in ‘serial shifting’ on the same resolutions, a finding suggestive of vote-buying. The prevalence of position changes suggests that the international norm environment may be more fragile and susceptible to a revisionist agenda than is commonly assumed.


Author(s):  
André Luiz Reis da Silva ◽  
Gabriela Dorneles Ferreira da Costa

This research aims to compare the strategic interests and the positioning at the foreign policy level of Brazil and Turkey in the 21st century, considering the rise to power of, respectively, Workers’ Party (PT, in Portuguese) and Justice and Development’s Party (AKP, in Turkish). Methodologically, it was used bibliographical research and analysis of speeches in the General Debate of the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) between 2010 and 2015. It was verified convergence between Brazil and Turkey in themes as the acknowledgment of the multipolarity of the World Order, the necessity of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) reform, the importance of the fortification of the global economic governance by G-20 and the compromise with the International Law, with the terrorism combat and with the Humans Right protections. As divergence point, it was verified the debates about the sort of reform to be implemented at the UNSC and some questions involving the Arab Spring, such as the military intervention at Libya in 2011. At last, some themes are more recurrent at one country’s foreign policy than another’s; as topics regarding Central Asia and Middle East, at Turkey’s case, and subjects regarding BRICS and south-american regional integration, at Brazil’s case.


Vestnik RFFI ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 43-53
Author(s):  
Natalya A. Tsivadze

In accordance with United Nations General Assembly resolution, the year 2019 was proclaimed the International Year of the Periodic Table of Chemical Elements, and the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) was designated as the lead organization for its implementation. At the present day, the UNESCO is the largest UN specialized agency with broad competence in providing interstate collaboration in the area of science, capable of playing a unique role for promotion of peace and sustainable development. The establishment of UN observances stimulates interest in the activities and programs of the organization in these areas, and also contributes to the intensification of activities at the international level. The proclamation of 2019 as the International Year of the Periodic Table is a recognition of the important role of the basic sciences, in particular, achievements in the field of chemistry and physics, in addressing the numerous development challenges that the world is currently facing in implementing the United Nations “2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development”. The International Year under the auspices of UNESCO provides an opportunity to mobilize all interested parties around the topic of science for peace and development – from government officials to media representatives and schoolchildren.


Worldview ◽  
1968 ◽  
Vol 11 (12) ◽  
pp. 14-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Inman

Several recent books have been looked upon at the United Nations with varying degrees of interest and enthusiasm. Since the U.N. is in the U.S., and since its life is dependent upon the U.S. Government, it is natural that any utterances by prominent U.S. officials about the role of the U.N. in American foreign policy are read with fascination, trepidation and at times bewilderment. And indeed George W. Ball's The Discipline of Power was read at the U.N. with morbid fascination, bewilderment and despair. Unlike all previous heads of a U.S. delegation to the U.N., Ambassador Ball was the first who had not been a public figure, and he had no U.S. constituency.


Author(s):  
Courtney J. Fung

Chapter 2 uses an original dataset of Chinese-language sources to understand Chinese views on the connection between regime change and intervention, and unpacks why China finds regime change so problematic. Unlike intervention, which may be permissible under specific conditions, regime change is systematically dismissed. China’s controversies over regime change fall into five categories: defining which actor has the authority to impose regime change; critiques about the aftermath of regime change; misgivings about how regime change affects China’s overseas interests, the role of the United Nations in executing regime change, and how regime change presents challenges to China’s core interests. Most importantly, Chinese writings reflect concerns regarding cases of regime change setting a precedent for actions against China. This chapter adds to an emerging literature that discusses the issue of regime change for China’s foreign policy behavior.


Book Reviews: The Pure Theory of Politics, The Nature and Limits of Political Science, Social Science and Political Theory, in Defence of Politics, The Theory of Political Coalitions, The British Political Elite, Amateurs and Professionals in British Politics, 1918–59, London Government and the Welfare Services, Local Government Today … and Tomorrow, Public Expenditure: Appraisal and Control, The Lessons of Public Enterprise, Nationalization: A Book of Readings, Income Distribution and Social Change, The Northern Ireland Problem: A Study in Group Relations, Report of the Joint Working Party on the Economy of Northern Ireland, Economic Planning in France, The French Army: A Military-Political History, The Trial of Charles De Gaulle, Torture: Cancer of Democracy, Communism and the French Left, Algeria and France: From Colonialism to Cooperation, Der Fascismus in Seiner Epoche, The Soviet Union and the German Question, September 1958–June 1961, Indivisible Germany: Illusion or Reality?, Government and Politics of Contemporary Berlin, The Struggle for Germany, 1914–1945, Reunification and West German-Soviet Relations: The Role of the Reunification Issue in the Foreign Policy of the Federal Republic of Germany, 1949–1957 with Special Attention to Policy toward the Soviet Union, City on Leave: A History of Berlin, 1945–1962, Berlin: Success of a Mission?, Federalism, Bureaucracy, and Party Politics in Western Germany: The Role of the Bundesrat, The Sickle under the Hammer: The Russian Socialist Revolutionaries in the Early Months of Soviet Rule, Political Ideology, Small Town in Mass Society, Government of the Atom: The Integration of Powers, Science and Politics, The Mind of Africa, The Challenge of Africa, Arab Nationalism: An Anthology, Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age 1798–1939, Village Government in India, Politics in Southern Asia, Modern Government, The Making of Foreign Policy: An Analysis of Decision-Making, The Politics of Italian Foreign Policy, Politics in the Twentieth Century, Vol. I: The Decline of Democratic Politics, Vol. II: The Importance of American Foreign Policy, Vol. III: The Restoration of American Politics, Power and the Pursuit of Peace, Unarmed Victory, Great Britain or Little England, The General Says No, The United Nations, The United Nations Reconsidered, World Economic Agencies, Communist Economy under Change, The Communist Foreign Trade System, Trade Blocs and Common Markets, The Economics of Middle Eastern Oil, Oil Companies and Governments

1964 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 100-140
Author(s):  
George E. Gordon Catlin ◽  
M. C. Albrow ◽  
Graham Wootton ◽  
W. J. M. Mackenzie ◽  
J. Blondel ◽  
...  

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