9. Communication and public opinion

UK Politics ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 195-219
Author(s):  
Andrew Blick

This chapter discusses the way in which political ideas are put forward and relates this to the forming and mobilization of political opinions. It looks the forms of communication used, the means of ‘media’ for transmission; the approach that political parties and government take towards it; and the influence it can exert from within the democratic system. The chapter looks at how people transmit information and how organizations do too. An important element of this discussion is how people form political opinions in the first place and how they make decisions based on them. A key question is: how can the right to vote be used to transmit and impact a political view point? The chapter also examines the role of social media and recent phenomena such as ‘fake news’. It also asks: how can public opinion be measured? The chapter provides a number of theoretical perspectives and real-life examples: the ‘Leveson Inquiry’ of 2011–12 and what it revealed about political communication and the online parliamentary petitioning process. Finally, the chapter explores a debate about whether the Internet has made political communication more supportive of democracy.

2019 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 109-138
Author(s):  
Kelly L. Winfrey ◽  
James M. Schnoebelen

Women gained the right to vote nearly 100 years ago, but it was not until 1980 that political scholars and practitioners began paying much attention to the role of women in elections and it was the so-called “Year of the Woman” in 1992 that sparked increased scholarly attention on women as political communicators. A record number of women, 117, ran for the U.S. Congress in 1992, but the number of women running and serving has been slow to increases since that time. One reason may be the unique challenges gender poses for female political communicators. Over three decades of research has proven gender stereotypes and expectations play a key role in how women (and men) communicate with voters. This review of research summarizes major findings and changes in gender and political communication research over the past three decades. Our focus is on communication by candidates and how gender shapes that communication. In all, 119 scholarly sources were reviewed; these sources included scholarly journals from related disciplines as well as books. Gender stereotypes in political communication have also been studied using a variety of methodologies, and to reflect that the research reviewed in this essay include both quantitative and qualitative methods. This summary of existing research includes a discussion of the gender stereotypes faced by candidates and how candidates present themselves to the public in light of these stereotypes.


2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 89
Author(s):  
Beata Gessel-Kalinowska vel Kalisz

THE PERCEPTION OF THE PRACTICE OF CONFIDENTIALITY IN ARBITRATION. AN ANALYSIS OF THE RESULTS OF A SURVEY CARRIED OUT BY THE LEWIATAN COURT OF ARBITRATION AMONG POLISH ARBITRATION PRACTITIONERS Summary As with numerous other systems of law, such as Norwegian, Swedish or Australian law, the Polish legal system does not have a clear and uniform norm of law governing confidentiality and privacy in arbitration. Public opinion frequently refers to the role of custom as the source of the obligation to preserve confidentiality, although usually it does so without a detailed analysis of the subject and object of this obligation. This fact provided the inspiration for a survey carried out among Polish arbitration practitioners. The results of the survey present an interesting picture of what is subjectively perceived by arbitration practitioners as forming part of the confidentiality canons in arbitration proceedings. In principle, they reflect the worldwide trends, i.e. as far as the object of the confidentiality obligation is concerned – in camera sessions and the confidentiality of awards, and as regards its subject – the confidentiality obligation imposed on arbitrators and arbitration institutions. In addition, the customary practice of keeping confidential any information obtained in the course of proceedings is perceived as the right conduct as far as the object of the obligation is concerned. One of the very controversial issues is the matter of parties’ responsibilities, which leads to further questions as to individual arbitrators’ membership of the social (professional) group known as “arbitration practitioners”.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 203-213
Author(s):  
Sanjay Kumar ◽  
Pranav Gupta

This article explores popular support for two key dimensions of the Bharatiya Janata Party’s recent ideological dominance in Indian politics. We examine public opinion on assertive nationalism and religious conservatism. The article analyses data from an individual-level survey conducted among voters across 12 states across the country in 2018. We find that public opinion is largely sympathetic towards the ideological positions held by the right on these dimensions. Moreover, ideological resonance transcends various socio-economic cleavages, and there is high support even among non-core segments of the BJP’s social coalition. We also find suggestive evidence for the role of nationalism in expanding the BJP’s support base.


Panggung ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
I Gusti Ngurah Sudibya ◽  
Pande Made Sukerta ◽  
Sardono Waluyo Kusumo ◽  
Eko Supriyanto

ABSTRACTFire is made up of three elements, such as heat, combustible materials and oxygen. A fire has heat and light. Fire is used in real life in various human life from cooking, to marriage and to burning dead bodies. Fire is available in space, on earth, and in oneself. Symbolically the fire is employed as a symbol of spirit, a sanctification, a destruction, enlightenment, heating temperatures, fire of romance, and fire of revenge. Overheated is possible when one ignores norms, ethics, and rules. Library studies, interviews, observations, and experiments are the methods used in this compilation. Fire both as symbol and text, functioned according to the capacity/role of each, both in and outside themselves, the use of it must be controlled for the harmony of the macrocosms and microcosms, when is the right time is to use small, medium and large fire, because all of them is important.Keywords: function, fire, symbol, harmonic.ABSTRAKApi terbentuk dari tiga elemen yakni, panas, bahan mudah terbakar dan oksigen. Api memiliki panas dan cahaya. Api digunakan dalam kehidupan manusia dari memasak, penerangan, perkawinan sampai pembakaran jenazah. Api terletak di angkasa, di bumi, dalam diri. Api dijadikan simbol semangat, penyucian, peleburan, pencerahan, api asmara, api dendam. Terjadi over heated/panas berlebih yang tidak lagi mengindahkan norma, etika, aturan. Studi kepustakaan, wawancara, observasi, dan percobaan merupakan metode yang digunakan dalam penyusunan ini. Seyogyanya api baik sebagai simbol maupun teks, difungsikan sesuai kapasitas/perannya masing-masing, baik dalam diri maupun diluar diri, semua itu harus dikendalikan penggunaannya, agar keharmonisan bhuana alit dan bhuana agung dapat terwujud, kapan menggunakan api kecil, sedang maupun besar, karena semuanya penting.Kata kunci: fungsi, api, simbol, harmonis.


1979 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-156 ◽  
Author(s):  
William C. Lowe

The role of party in the first half of George III's reign has proved a topic of constant interest to historians. The subject has been examined from a variety of angles, not the least important of which is the relationship between party development and public opinion. Much of the explanation of party development has centered on the House of Commons, and a few attempts have been made to integrate the House of Lords into the story. Less effort has been made, however, to ascertain what, if any, role the upper house played in partisan attempts at influencing public opinion. This essay is an attempt to show how the opposition peers of this period took advantage of one of the privileges of their house, the right of written dissent, in a conscious effort to influence a wider audience, and to demonstrate how this contributed to the growth of party.


Author(s):  
George C. Edwards

This book examines the role of presidential leadership in American politics, arguing that the key to successful leadership for the president is not persuasion but the president’s broad strategic position regarding the public, and that to reveal this position requires asking the right questions. It illustrates the advantages of focusing on the president’s existing opportunity structure by analyzing the first two years of Barack Obama’s second term. In particular, it considers Obama’s strategic position—his opportunity structure—with the public to explain why he faced such difficulties in obtaining the public’s support. It also explores the president’s opportunity structure in Congress and how he exploits existing public opinion on policies. Finally, it discusses the importance of strategic assessments in presidential leadership and the leverage they give us in evaluating the likely success of strategies for governing.


2018 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
pp. 103-130
Author(s):  
Sergey V.  Perevezentsev

The idea of democracy plays one of the leading roles in contemporary Russian political discourse. Still nowadays a lot of Russian people perceive the idea of democracy as something foreign and borrowed, derived from the outside, furthermore even the word “democracy” very often carries negative associations. Each people, country and civilization has the right to independently decide the issue of their political system on the basis of their own specific historical experience and not accept theoretical schemes and models imposed from the outside. Russia has also its own historical experience as the history of Russia and country and civilization runs to more than thousand years. But that doesn’t mean that there were no democratic institutions in the history of Russian people or that there were no democratic practices. What kind of public democratic system can be found in Russian political tradition? The present article is devoted to the study of this question. The author examines democratic traditions in Russia in the 10th–12th centuries. We certainly won’t find the theoretical conception of the term “democracy” in spiritual; and political ideas in Russia of the 10th-12th centuries, as well as any detailed analysis of the history of Russian democratic institutions in the works of Russian thinkers of that time. Still annalistic and other sources contain extensive factual data that can be used by the researchers for the analysis of Slavic and Russian democratic traditions and reconstruction of the democratic conceptions of our ancestry.


Author(s):  
Teoría y Realidad Constitucional

En esta encuesta un grupo de profesores de Derecho Constitucional contestan un conjunto de preguntas sobre la independencia de los medios de comunicación, y, especialmente, sobre la necesidad de atender a la libre formación de la opinión pública, el papel que desempeñan los medios en una sociedad democrática, el régimen jurídico que se establece para los medios de comunicación y los problemas a los que se enfrenta el legislador en orden a garantizar la libertad y la expresión del pluralismo social en los procesos de la comunicación.In this academic survey a group of Constitutional Law Professors answer some questions about the situation of mass media in a democratic system and specifically about the role of public opinión in a democratic State, the role of the media in the development of the public opinión, the legal framework of the media and the problems that the legislator faces in order to guarantee the freedom and the social pluralism expression in the communication processes.


2013 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 27-42 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Brown

This article examines the conditions of penal optimism behind suggestions that the penal expansionism of the last three decades may be at a ‘turning point’. The article proceeds by outlining David Green’s suggested catalysts of penal reform and considers how applicable they are in the Australian context. Green’s suggested catalysts are: the cycles and saturation thesis; shifts in the dominant conception of the offender; the GFC and budgetary constraints; the drop in crime; the emergence of the prisoner re-entry movement; apparent shifts in public opinion; the influence of evangelical Christian ideas and the Right on Crime initiative. The article then considers a number of other possible catalysts or forces: the role of trade unions; the role of courts; the emergence of recidivism as a political issue; the influence of ’evidence based’/’what works’’ discourse; and the emergence of justice reinvestment (JR). The article concludes with some comments about the capacity of criminology and criminologists to contribute to penal reductionism, offering an optimistic assessment for the prospects of a reflexive criminology that engages in and engenders a wider politics around criminal justice issues.


Work ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 67 (1) ◽  
pp. 193-202
Author(s):  
Ofir Y. Pinto ◽  
Michel Strawczynski ◽  
Arie Rimmerman

BACKGROUND: The UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) assumes that persons with disabilities have similar rights, motivations to work and personal values as those without disabilities. OBJECTIVE: The article examines the corroboration between this assumption and real-life facts to better understand the importance of labor-oriented values in people with disabilities. METHODS: We tested the relationship between human values, employment and wages among Israelis with disabilities who cope with prejudice, negative attitudes and a lack of accessible workplaces in comparison to Israelis without disabilities. RESULTS: We found that the effect of labor-oriented values on employment status is 70% higher among people with disabilities than among those without disabilities. Furthermore, persons with disabilities ranked power and achievement as important values related to employment, but these values were not included in the considerations of persons without disabilities. CONCLUSIONS: These results highlight the importance of labor-oriented values for people with disabilities to overcome challenges in the labor market. Our findings suggest that rehabilitation policies would benefit from identifying personal human values of people with disabilities at an early stage of their career.


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