‘Come and See the Blood in the Streets’: Luciano Berio, ‘Coro’, and the Affective Staging of the One-Crowd

2019 ◽  
Vol 100 (4) ◽  
pp. 685-712
Author(s):  
James Davis

Abstract Luciano Berio’s most substantial work from the 1970s was Coro (1976)—an hour-long piece for chorus and orchestra. This work has attracted a small literature that attempts to understand it in terms of the philosophical framework of the French theorists Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari. These Deleuzo-Guattari speculations have remained rather abstract; specifically, they have not attempted to relate the work to the concrete political context of 1970s Italy. This essay attempts to enrich our understanding of Berio by relating the choral work to this political context. In so doing, it will contribute towards a more thorough understanding of the political significance and functioning of the works of one of Italy’s leading composers, and suggest a striking political alignment between his musical production and the radical extra-parliamentary political activity of the 1970s.

2006 ◽  
Vol 96 ◽  
pp. 42-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harry M. Hine

This paper examines the political content and context of Seneca's Natural Questions. It argues that, on the one hand, Rome is marginalized in the context of the immensity of the cosmos; and philosophy is elevated above traditional Roman pursuits, including political activity and historical writing. But at the same time the work is firmly anchored in its Roman geo-political context; Seneca situates himself in a long and continuing tradition of investigation of the natural world, where Roman writers can stand alongside Greeks and others; and the current emperor Nero is presented not just as princeps and poet, but as sponsor of geographical and scientific investigation.


2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 495-507 ◽  
Author(s):  
Felice Cimatti

The tradition of Italian Thought – not the political one but the poetic and naturalistic one – finds in the philosophy of Gilles Deleuze a way to enter into the new century, the century of immanence and animality. In fact, Deleuze himself remained outside the main philosophical traditions of his own time (structuralism and phenomenology). The tradition to which Deleuze refers is the one that begins with Spinoza and ends with Nietzsche. It is an ontological tradition, which deals mainly with life and the world rather than with the human subject and knowledge. Finally, the text sketches a possible dialogue between Deleuze and the poet-philosopher Giacomo Leopardi, one of the most important (and still unknown) figures of Italian Thought.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-59
Author(s):  
Éric Alliez ◽  
Maurizio Lazzarato

Abstract In the aftermath of the Second World War, revolutionary movements remained dependent on Leninist theories and practices in their attempts to grasp the new relationship between war and capital. Yet these theories and practices failed to address the global “cold civil war” represented by the events of 1968. This article will show that in the 1970s this task was not undertaken by “professional revolutionaries” or in their Maoist discourse of “protracted war” and its “generalized Clauzewitzian strategy.” Rather, the problem was addressed by Michel Foucault, on the one hand, and Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari, on the other. Each produced a radical break in the conception of war and of its constitutive relationship with capitalism, taking up the confrontation with Clausewitz to reverse the famous formula such that war was not to be understood as the continuation of politics (which determines its ends). Politics was, on the contrary, to be understood as an element and strategic modality of the whole constituted by war. The ambition of la pensée 68, as represented by Foucault and Deleuze and Guattari, was not to make this reversal into a simple permutation of the formula's terms, but rather to develop a radical critique of the concepts of “war” and “politics” presupposed by Clausewitz's formula.


Author(s):  
Niels Noergaard Kristensen

The political commotion of the world is rising anew. Political challenges and political turmoil unfold side by side, and at the fore of many current political struggles stands the notion of “political identity.” Identity is a key asset in citizens' orientations toward political issues, their selection of information, and not least their political participation at large. The character of political challenges and struggles suggests that we need a revitalized and more comprehensive conceptual framework and operationalization of political identity. Political identity plays a role in most political activity, and the authors engage in elaborating the concept. The discussion presents the notion of political learning in order to bridge the complex and vigorous relations between on the one side political orientations and awareness and on the other side current manifestations of democratic political identities.


Africa ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 89 (3) ◽  
pp. 479-498
Author(s):  
Joshua D. Rubin

AbstractThis article is an ethnographic investigation of the labours of making art and selling liquid petroleum gas (LPG) in Bulawayo, Zimbabwe. It locates these activities within a shared social world, centred on one of Bulawayo's major art galleries, and it demonstrates that artists and LPG dealers use similar strategies to respond to the political conditions of life in the city. This article frames these conditions as unpredictable, insofar as they change frequently and crystallize in unexpected forms, and it argues that both groups are attempting to act within these conditions and shape them into emergent assemblages. In adopting this term ‘assemblage’, which has been elaborated theoretically by Gilles Deleuze, Félix Guattari and their many interlocutors, this article emphasizes both the mutability and the unpredictability of these formations. The artists who work in the gallery, for their part, make their art by assembling their chosen media. The processes by which they choose their media constitute assemblages as well, in that artists have to adapt their artistic visions to the materials that Zimbabwe's market can provide. Street dealers in gas also produce emergent assemblages against the backdrop of unpredictability. If they want to make natural gas available to consumers, dealers must shepherd their medium through an always emergent process of distribution. They participate in transnational networks of trade, but they also theorize innovative strategies of procurement, develop circuits of trust and loyalty, and conjure up visions of a predatory state. Like artists, they use their work to construct dynamic representations of the world around them. Artists may produce images, and dealers circulate gas, but this article shows that conceptualizing these practices in terms of ‘assemblages’ calls their commonalities into view. In doing so, it also demonstrates that these practices complicate easy distinctions between aesthetics, economics and politics.


Author(s):  
Ransford Edward Van Gyampo ◽  
Nana Akua Anyidoho

The youth in Africa have been an important political force and performed a wide range of roles in the political field as voters, activists, party members, members of parliament, ministers, party “foot soldiers,” and apparatchiks. Although political parties, governments, and other political leaders often exploit young people’s political activity, their participation in both local and national level politics has been significant. In the academic literature and policy documents, youth are portrayed, on the one hand, as “the hope for the future” and, on the other, as a disadvantaged and vulnerable group. However, the spread of social media has created an alternative political space for young people. Active participation of young people in politics through social media channels suggests that they do not lack interest in politics, but that the political systems in Africa marginalize and exclude them from political dialogue, participation, decision-making, and policy implementation. The solution to the problem of the exclusion of young people from mainstream politics would involve encouraging their participation in constitutional politics and their greater interest and involvement in alternative sites, goals, and forms of youth political activism in contemporary Africa.


1999 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 136-139
Author(s):  
Margarita Diaz-Andreu

The increasingly voluminous literature on nationalism and archaeology published in recent years is providing archaeologists with a firm basis to self-analyse the connection of their endeavours to the socio-political context of which they are imbued. Yet, the work undertaken is not beyond criticism, as the authors make clear in their introduction. Most studies, including this one, approach the topic adopting a historiographical perspective. Yet, trying to summarise two hundred years of politics and archaeology in a few thousand words is not an easy task. It makes it necessary to simplify usually very complex processes into seemingly neat sequences of events. In addition, writing for an archaeological audience does not make things easier. Most archaeologists have an understandable lack of knowledge on the complexities of the political aspect of the argument, a problem aggravated in the case of discussions of countries other than the one most of the readers are more familiar with. A detailed analysis of the intricate political context is simply unattainable and although references to other analytical works are often provided, it is difficult for authors to avoid giving the impression of adopting an objectifying position and a positivistic approach. Despite Hamilakis and Yalouri's awareness of this problem (p.115), on occasion their account falls precisely into the latter category (especially in the section ‘Imagining the nation in modern Greece’). As someone who has often been faced with this problem in my various publications on the relationship between archaeology and nationalism in Spain, I am still convinced of the validity of offering general overviews, despite the risks entailed. It is only after producing an intelligible outline, as they in fact have done, that it is possible to undertake a deeper and more sophisticated analysis of more concrete issues related to the connection between archaeology and nationalism.


PhaenEx ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 96
Author(s):  
JEAN-THOMAS TREMBLAY

This article generates an affective hermeneutics of the political. The research question, What is feeling political? is, at first, refined through the oeuvre of political theorist Simone Weil, whose focus on experience, involvement and attention highlights the role of sentience in political life. The inescapable normativity of Weil’s texts calls for an alternative approach to the question at hand, one that acknowledges the inevitability of the phenomenon of feeling political. In order to produce such an approach, the realm in which said phenomenon occurs is spatialized as an indefinite series of rhizomatic affective atmospheres in which the negotiation of one’s involvement, resistance, association, and isolation prompts a variety of orientations. The work of Lauren Berlant is subsequently considered as a means to stress the interplay between noise and ambience on one hand, and the notions of citizenship and community on the other. Ultimately, a reflection inspired by Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari emphasizes the humanist undertone of this investigation, reposing the question of feeling political as an ontological query.  


Author(s):  
Jan-Olaf Blichfeldt

When, after the first World War, the Association of Muslim Brothers was formed, it soon established itself as the largest movement among the political Islamic groups in the country. Hasan al-Banna, originally a teacher, founded the Association in Ismailia as a religious society in 1928. In 1939, however, the Brotherhood came to be a political organization, and began to participate in various political campaigns. Having as one of their main tenets that everything foreign to the recognized teachings of Islam ought to be abandoned, the brothers fought the British role in Egypt as well as the Jewish settlements in Palestine. Up to the revolution of the 23rd of July, 1952, their political activity increased considerably, conspiring at the same time with both the regime and its opponents. In 1954 the new government decided to dissolve the Brotherhood, and during the next twenty years, they were intensively harassed and out in jail. From the mid-seventies the Brothers began to be released and were even permitted to resume their activities as a religious society.’Both during the time of Hasan al-Banna and in recent years the political confrontation between the Brotherhood and the regime has frequently been characterized by a well-founded literary propagandism. That is, various kinds of books, magazines and pamphlets which in a politically exaggerated form either defend the existing regime or oppose it. As to the former, it is – in addition to the more ordinary presentation of the government’s political positions and future plans – very much occupied with defining the concept of practical Islam by emphasizing its cultural achievements of the past while at the same time limiting its present role to be basically individual and spiritual. Reversibly, the opposition literature is agitating by means of claiming various political implementation of Islam. It has two basic approaches. There is the more direct mode where arguments of rejection, mocking and damnation are propagated by comparing the day-to-day political events with ideal Islam. Then there is the more indirect kind, which compares the contemporary situation with the hardship and suppression which, according to the Islamic Tradition, are one of the signs that the final battle against evil accompanied by the Last Judgement, is immanent.More significant, however, is the fact that this trend of spreading agitative literature seems to indicate the kind of adapted political profilation which the Muslim Brotherhood has sought to establish, defining itself both as a legitimate and oppositional movement between the government on the one side, and the remaining activist groups, such as Takfir al-hidjra, on the other. 


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 107-117
Author(s):  
Anthony Iles

This article was originally presented at a seminar organized by Josephine Berry (2020) around the ideas of milieu and geoaesthetics, derived respectively from Michel Foucault (2009) and Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari (1999). In this account of a network of artworks, I will focus on direct reading of a significant conjunction between works by Richard Serra and David Hammons through an understanding of the political economy of New York at an important moment of transition. I develop the understanding of milieu derived from Michel Foucault with Henri Lefebvre’s concepts of the ‘production of space’ (1991) and the ‘reproduction of the relations of production’ (1976), operations by which capitalism survives its crisis of accumulation at a key conjuncture in the 1970s which has direct consequences for the works I discuss. Responding to the initial presentation context for this article, a seminar coordinated by Dr Josephine Berry, geoaesthetics, a concept derived by Berry from ideas of milieu and geoaesthetics, respectively, from Michel Foucault (2009) and Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari (1986) is grasped in the sense of art and aesthetics responding to the earth’s (adopting the same prefix as) geology, geography and geometry (ge) by offering a planetary reading of art or experience of art that is entwined with a consciousness of our planet as a totality, and perhaps galvanized by our increasing awareness of it as a finite resource. Geoaesthetics in this context is thought of as an aesthetics, an attempt to understand the experience of artworks in ways that render accessible the conditions of their making and witnessing in terms that are inseparable from the environments and conditions in which they are made and experienced.


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