scholarly journals Democratization in the Muslim World

Author(s):  
Frédéric Volpi ◽  
Francesco Cavatorta

The issue of the democratization of the Muslim world has puzzled scholarship since the end of the Cold War, when the third wave of democratization swept across the world but seemed to bypass most Muslim-majority countries, particularly the Arab world. Central to the debate about democratization in the Muslim world is the relationship between the Islamic religion and the political system supposedly bound up with it. As we will see, for some authors there is an inherent contradiction between the precepts of the Muslim faith and the requirements of democracy, while for others the two can be compatible or causally separated. When the debate on democratization is framed in these terms, it becomes very important to specify the definitions, issues, and processes investigated and evaluated to avoid confusion. When discussing processes of democratization—the move away from authoritarian practices to a political system based on political pluralism—there is a tendency in the literature to consider primarily the emergence of a very specific form of democracy: liberal democracy. There is therefore an important difference between democracy and democratization. Democratization is concerned with the introduction of democratic mechanisms and procedures and not necessarily with the granting of extensive liberal individual rights. One can then imagine a democratic political system where individual rights are limited and focus on the minimal requirements for equal political participation. Liberal democracy for its part is concerned with democratic political systems seeking to operationalize the progressive extension of different liberal individual rights. When this distinction is taken into account, it becomes easier to interpret and explain the changes—or absence thereof—occurring across the Muslim world. At this stage, a further distinction is necessary: the one between the Muslim world as a geographical area, in which people belonging to the Muslim faith are the majority or a very significant part of the population, and an Islamic system in which religious precepts actually organize social and political life. In this respect, one finds that a significant number of Muslim-majority countries can be labeled procedural democratic, while authoritarianism characterizes in fact the Arab world (with exceptions) and not the Muslim world per se, suggesting that there is nothing inherently antidemocratic in the Islamic religion. It should also then be noted that an Islamic system is actually in place in a very limited number of countries and that authoritarianism in Muslim and Arab countries is commonly not the product of the adoption of an Islamic system of government.

Author(s):  
V. Mel'yantsev

The article considers macroeconomic and social factors of the upsurge of socio-political instability in the Arab world. The Arab countries are compared with other states in the Arab-Muslim world, as well as with the economically fast-growing economies of East and South Asia. It is concluded that Arab countries loosely fit into the promising growth model of the XX century and they are in need of profound reforms.


Author(s):  
Ahmed Khalil Ali Ahmed Khalil Ali

  It occupies the Yemen Arab Republic, the Republic of Somalia geographical area strategy and is located on the Red Sea entrance to the southwest of the Arabian Peninsula for Yemen and South Horn of Africa for Somalia and a surface area of ​​about two hundred thousand square kilometers, which is in this way, more like the box ever great strategic importance in the chessboard the Middle East region. Yemen and Somalia's recent history, began on the shores of the Red Sea, while the evacuation of Turks from Yemen in 1919 and the Declaration of Independence of the Republic of Somalia until the conflict broke out between the clans civil where these tribes were announced after its agreement to declare its political stabilits. This period, which lasted until the establishment of the Arab League in 1945, a dispute between the three camps, vying for the leadership of the Arab world has seen, namely: the Hashemites camp who are concentrated in Jordan, Iraq, and Camp Saudis who parcels Hashemites of the peninsula, and the camp of the Egyptians who had begun showing some interest Arab affairs. Yemen and Somalia have Anzmt to the League of Arab States The context of the events and indications in the political and economic scene in Yemen and Somalia is moving towards escalation addition overshadowed by the context of the crisis on the Arab arena, helped by the absence of future strategies that the major and important events, dominated the thought of permanence Ostmraraharb against change without analytical reading closer to the reality of the local strategic environment and regional and international Vtozmt data Which contributed to the accumulation of political, economic, social, educational, health, security and other problems in the context of crises warring tribes Under palaces strategic perspective and geostrategic, limited resources, and weak of will and national administration toward reform, as well as the form of violence to the weakness of economic power and political instability that arrived in an anonymous way for the future of Yemen and Somalia so has to be the future vision analysis according to data transformations and changes geostrategic theater Yemen and Somalia, from the consequences up to the expectations and the current implications in the strategic landscape of Yemen and Somalia are the secretions of a cumulative political, ideological, social, security, ethnic, tribal, regional, factional and spatial different in Yemen and Somalia, for this to spectra to be analytical vision for the future of Arab countries about the national security of Yemen and Somalia for political and economic stability to both countries. this means safe for the Arab States.


2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Komaruddin Hidayat ◽  
Dadi Darmadi

There are at least two interesting facts about Indonesia and the Muslim world. First, Indonesia is the largest Muslim country in the world. With more than 260 million people, Indonesia is the 4th most populous country in the world, and here Islam is the most adhered to religion. With approximately 87 % of its population are Muslims, the largest Muslim population in one country lives in Indonesia.Second, a large number of Muslim majority countries are not Arabs. According to the Pew Research Center, approximately 20 percent of Muslims live in Arab countries. Turkey and Iran, two non-Arab countries, are the largest Muslim-majority countries in the Middle East. South and Southeast Asia cover around 62 percent of the world's Muslims. Indonesia alone is home to 12.7 percent of all world’s Muslims.These two facts show Indonesia's unique position in the Islamic world. On the one hand, Indonesia is one of the farthest countries from the Arab World, but Islam that comes from there has been deeply rooted in the daily lives of many Indonesians. On the other hand, Indonesia which was colonized for more than three hundred years by Western colonialism, did not take for granted the influence of Arab cultures, and even more in contact with modernity, both directly and indirectly introduced by way of colonialism.


Author(s):  
Amel Guettaoui ◽  
Ouafi Hadja

The level of political representation of women in different legislative bodies around the world varies greatly. The women in the Arab world, is that as in other areas of the world, have throughout history experienced discrimination and have been subject to restriction of their freedoms and rights. Many of these practices and limitations are based on cultural and emanate from tradition and not from religion as many people supposed, these main constraints that create an obstacle towards women’s rights and liberties are reflected in the participation of women in political life. Although there are differences between the countries, the Arab region in general is noted for the low participation of women in politics. Universal suffrage has become common in most countries, but there are still some Arab women who are denied such rights. There have been many highly respected female leaders in Arab history, such as Shajar al-Durr (13th century) in Egypt, Queen Orpha (d. 1090) in Yemen. In the modern era there have also been examples of female leadership in Arab countries. However, in Arabic-speaking countries no woman has ever been head of state, although many Arabs remarked on the presence of women such as Jehan Al Sadat, the wife of Anwar El Sadat in Egypt, and Wassila Bourguiba, the wife of Habib Bourguiba in Tunisia, who have strongly influenced their husbands in their dealings with matters of state. Many Arab countries allow women to vote in national elections. The first female Member of Parliament in the Arab world was Rawya Ateya, who was elected in Egypt in 1957. Some countries granted the female franchise in their constitutions following independence, while some extended the franchise to women in later constitutional amendments.


2019 ◽  
pp. 77-113
Author(s):  
Daniel Philpott

This chapter continues the book’s analysis of religious freedom in Muslim-majority states by looking at the second of three categories of regimes that are defined by their political theology. This category is secular repressive states, of which there are 15. It defines the basic features of secular repressive states, portraying them through the concept of negative secularism. It looks particularly closely at Turkey, the standard-bearer of repressive secularism, and at Egypt, also an important case. It also focuses on other countries of this kind in the Arab world and in Central Asia, two regions where they are concentrated. This category of state shows that Islam is not the only source of repression in the Muslim-majority world, thus adding to the picture of diversity begun in the previous chapter.


1986 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 323-348 ◽  
Author(s):  
H. Mark Roelofs

This paper constructs, within the American liberal consensus, a conceptual frame into which the great paradoxes of American politics can be fitted without significant omission or unexplained contradiction. The foundation of the American liberal consensus is seen to be a Protestant-bourgeois individualism divided against itself. This fundamental division issues into conflicting visions of America as a democracy. In national, legitimizing myth, America is seen as a Protestant-tinctured social democracy organized in terms of sovereignty of the people, confederalism, separation of powers, and popular government. On the other hand, in the ideology of America as a legally functioning state, it is a bourgeois, liberal democracy organized in terms of constitutionalism, federalism, mixed government, and representative government. These distinctions make possible a consistent explanation of the consensus-cleavage paradox that lies at the core of American political life. They also explain the persistent ambiguity that confuses the democratic character of the American political system and also the biformalism of its major institutions.


Author(s):  
Brian Stanley

This chapter details the course of Christian–Muslim relations in the Islamic world in the twentieth century. It presents two case studies. The first focuses on Egypt, which in the first part of the twentieth century was the intellectual and publishing hub of the Muslim world, and hence was regarded by Western Christians as the key to its regeneration by the Christian gospel and “modern” ideas of reform. Egypt was also the home of Africa's oldest church, the Coptic Orthodox Church. The second case study examines a younger Christian community within a younger nation, that of the church in Indonesia. The Egyptian case study highlights the dissonance between the post-Enlightenment political philosophy of individual rights and freedom of religion that undergirds Western academic discourse on the subject of interreligious relations and the markedly different concept of religious toleration that prevails in Muslim majority states.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 95-112
Author(s):  
V. A. Kuznetsov

The article is devoted to the analysis of the socio-political transformation of the Arab world in the 2010s. The author analyses its changes through the concept of neo-modernity, which was already developed in a number of his earlier publications. The key thesis is the idea of a new turn of society to metanarratives, or “big stories” after postmodern relativism led to attempts to abandon them. In the first part of the article, the problem of metanarratives is considered at the theoretical level. The author proposes a methodology for studying socio-political processes and determines the influence of the condition of neo-modernity on political reality. The second part of the article highlights the main modern (liberal, left, nationalist, conservative) and premodern (tribal, Islamist) “big stories”. These “stories” determine the content and nature of public and political life in the Arab world in the 2010s and problematize new aspects of social relations. It shows how the actualization of metanarratives affected the course of the political process in Arab countries, as well as the organization of political systems, building new relations between societies and states. The third part of the article is devoted to the analysis of international political processes in the region. The influence of “big stories” on the configuration of the regional subsystem, armed conflicts, the composition of key actors, the specifics of their strategies, their identity and the identity of the region as a whole is revealed. In conclusion, the author shows a possibility of gradual harmonization of the system of regional relations in the case of the formation of hypertext, which makes it possible for the coexistence of actors guided by different narrative strategies.


2016 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 99-101
Author(s):  
Banafsheh Madaninejad

Naser Ghobadzadeh’s Religious Secularity presumes that Muslim thinkers nolonger consider an Islamic state as the desired political system. This aversionto a theocratic state is perhaps felt most by those Iranian reformist thinkerswho have had to operate in such a state since the 1979 Islamic revolution. Theauthor claims that in its place, the Muslim world has devised a new theoreticalcategory called “religious secularity,” which allows for a religiously secularstate to, at least theoretically, present itself as an alternative to an Islamic one.He defines this religiously secular attitude as one that refuses to eliminate religionfrom the political sphere, but simultaneously carves out a space for secularpolitics by narrowly promoting only the institutional separation of religionand state.He claims that this concept has two goals: to (1) restore the clergy’s genuinespiritual aims and reputation and (2) show that Islam is compatible withthe secular democratic state. In Iran, rather than launching overt attacks againstthe theocratic state, this discourse of religious secularity has created a more“gentle, implicit and sectarian manner in challenging the Islamic state.” Unlikein pre-revolutionary times when there were both religious and non-religiousideologies vying for an audience, Ghobadzadeh suggests that in Iran today,“the alternative discourses are religious and concentrate on liberating religiousdiscourse from state intervention.”The author pays homage to Abdullahi An-Na’im and claims to be usingIslam and the Secular State: Negotiating the Future of Shari‘a (2008) as aconceptual framework. As far as subfields within political science go,Ghobadzadeh’s Religious Secularity is also similar in form to NaderHashemi’s Islam, Secularism, and Liberal Democracy (2009) and, as such,can be considered a work of theoretical comparative political science ...


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 19-42
Author(s):  
Khalid Shibib

As a humanitarian worker who was professionally involved for decades in crisis- and war-shaken countries, the author strove to understand the political, socioeconomic, and cultural factors contributing to conflicts. This contextualization, with a focus on Arab countries, confirmed what other thinkers found: the majority of political, economic, social, cultural, religious, and finally humanitarian crises in the Arab world are man-made and can be attributed to both extrinsic and intrinsic factors. Central to the latter appears to be a shared cultural construct that can be termed “Arab reason.” This essay tries to present information on various aspects of the crisis; to understand why reform efforts come so late and why are they are more difficult for Arabs than for other Muslims. It continues by looking at the knowledge systems that govern Arab reason and their evolution, including the decisive role of the religious knowledge system. From there, it proposes some reform ideas including a renewed legal reasoning process with the goal of a future-oriented, knowledge-based, and inclusive Arab Islamic vision. A pragmatic way forward could be an additional unifying eighth legal school (madhhab/madhāhib) to counter sectarian conflicts and violence. This essay is built on a targeted literature search and is not a comprehensive review of the growing literature generated by distinguished thinkers on various aspects of Arab Islamic identity.


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