The Power and Limits of Nonviolent Ethnic Movements

Author(s):  
Manuel Vogt

This chapter analyzes the impact of, and obstacles to, ethnic mobilization in Guatemala and Ecuador. Using evidence from in-depth interviews with leaders of ethnic organizations, state officials, political party leaders, and other elite individuals, it sheds light on the causal path between ethnic group mobilization, inclusion, and contention in the stratified societies of Latin America’s colonial settler states. Specifically, the within-country comparison of Afro-Ecuadorian and indigenous mobilization in Ecuador demonstrates the importance of autonomous ethnic organizations for the prospects of marginalized groups’ political empowerment. Their infrastructural power facilitates the aggregation of the interests of discriminated individuals into ethnopolitical movements and enables groups to carry out large-scale popular protests. However, the evidence from the Guatemalan case also uncovers the strategies employed by state elites from the dominant ethnoclass to block fundamental change and maintain the status quo.

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 154
Author(s):  
M. Munir Syam AR ◽  
Djoko Nestri Kwartatmono

AbstrakPenelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengeksplorasi faktor yang mendorong petani garam untuk menjual garam pasca panen/pungut secara langsung atau tidak langsung dan menganalisis dampak penerapan strategi tersebut terhadap tingkat kesejahteraan petani garam. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif deskriptif. Penelitian ini dilakukan di Desa Karanganyar, Kec. Kalianget, Kab. Sumenep. Objek dalam penelitian ini difokuskan pada produk garam. Teknik sampling yang digunakan adalah snowball sampling dengan informan yang berasal dari petani garam dari desa Karanganyar. Data diperoleh melalui observasi, dokumentasi dan indepth interview secara langsung kepada informan. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa terdapat empat faktor yang mempengaruhi petani garam dalam menerapkan strategi penjualan langsung atau tidak langsung yaitu harga garam, kebutuhan, kuantitas hasil produksi, dan gudang penyimpanan. Ketika harga garam mahal maka petani garam akan menggunakan strategi penjualan langsung. sebaliknya, ketika harga turun petani kecil tidak memiliki pilihan strategi selain menjual langsung tetapi petani dengan  skala besar lebih fleksibel.Kata Kunci: Garam, Kesejahteraan, Strategi AbstractThis study aims to explore the drivinf factors of salt farmers to sell salt directly or indirectly and analyze the impact of implementing this strategy on the welfare level of salt farmers. This study uses a descriptive qualitative approach. This research was conducted in Karanganyar Village, Kalianget, Sumenep district.. The object of this study is focused on salt products. The sampling technique used snowball sampling with informants who came from salt farmers from Karanganyar village. Data obtained through observation, documentation and in-depth interviews with informants. The results of this study indicate that there are four factors that influence salt farmers in implementing direct or indirect sales strategies, namely the price of salt, needs, quantity of production, and warehouse. When the price of salt is high, salt farmers will use a direct selling strategy. otherwise when prices fall small farmers have no choice of strategy other than selling directly but large scale farmers are more flexible.Keywords: Salt, Welfare, Strategy


Author(s):  
Vladimir Titov

The article reviews the methodological assumptions and results of in-depth interviews held in May 2020. The aim of the article is to identify various aspects of the population’s socio-economic adaptation in the context of the coronavirus pandemic crisis. The author uses the tradition of phenomenological sociology, hermeneutics and narrative analysis as the methodology for the analysis of in-depth interviews contents. The content analysis of the interviews allows to identify certain similarities and differences between two groups of respondents, distinguished by the status of employment (employees and entrepreneurs) in terms of assessment of the crisis’ impact on enterprises and various businesses, specific of the socio-economic behavior, resources, and adaptation practices. A feature of socio-economic behavior common for both categories is the wait-and-see approach to find out possible prospects of the economy and the labour market. However, respondents in the status of employee are generally characterized by a more confident assessment of prospects of job preservation and income level. Active forms of adaptive behavior are particularly noticed among respondents employed in the area of information and communication technologies. Entrepreneurs tend to combine, on the one hand, a negative assessment of the impact the crisis has on their business, and on the other, the desire to look for new market opportunities, realistically assessing the threats and risks, and to rely on themselves. In the context of the ongoing crisis, the specificity of the population’s socio-economic adaptation is associated not only with the status of employment, but also with the industry specifics, an accumulated portfolio of orders, stability of the client base, and social capital.


Author(s):  
Manuel Vogt

This chapter introduces the puzzle that the book seeks to explain. Ethnic movements—that is, organized political campaigns by groups whose collective identity is defined by language, religion, or other ethnic markers to influence state policy—have haunted politics in almost all of today’s states. Yet, while they have provoked violent conflict in some countries, they have remained peaceful in others. Strikingly, some of the most unequal societies of today’s world have experienced mostly nonviolent ethnic group mobilization. Starting from concrete case examples, the chapter presents the book’s central question: why is ethnic mobilization more likely to trigger violent conflict in some countries than in others? By discussing the merits and shortcomings of existing studies, it reveals the need for a theory that explains both why ethnic groups rebel and how they rebel. The chapter then describes the study’s empirical approach and outlines the plan of the book.


Author(s):  
Suzanne Franzway ◽  
Nicole Moulding ◽  
Sarah Wendt ◽  
Carole Zufferey ◽  
Donna Chung

This chapter is focused on the challenges of researching gendered violence. Here, the chapter presents the empirical foundation and design of a large-scale national study conducted across Australia; which included a major survey, in-depth interviews, and constructed life histories. This chapter also considers some of the challenges faced when conducting and participating in gendered violence research in the context of the politics of ignorance and sexual politics. Given the risks that can flow from participating in and conducting research into gendered violence, it was particularly vital that the study was tightly conceptualised and methodologically sound, so that the benefits of participation by contributing to the development of new knowledge clearly outweighed any risks. The research study outlined here aimed to reveal the breadth and interconnected nature of the impact of intimate partner violence on women's citizenship as part of challenging wilful ignorance about violence and its relationship to gender inequality. As such, this research was an inherently political project that involved balancing a number of key considerations.


2013 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-42 ◽  
Author(s):  
Diana Deek ◽  
Penny Werthner ◽  
Kyle J. Paquette ◽  
Diane Culver

This study examines the impact of a coach education program on coach learning and perceived changes to coaching practices, while situating this episodic learning experience within a lifelong-learning perspective. Three sets of in-depth interviews were conducted with 10 coaches taking part in one of three competition-development modules within Canada’s National Coaching Certification Program (Coaching and Leading Effectively, Managing Conflict, and Psychology of Performance). It was found that (a) the coaches’ biographies varied widely, (b) all of the coaches reported learning from the modules, (c) eight of ten coaches reported a change in their coaching practices as a result of participation in one of the modules, and (d) the coaches credited a combination of mediated, unmediated, and internal learning situations for their learning before and after the modules. These findings suggest that a large-scale coach education program can have an impact on coaches when the program takes a lifelong-learning perspective and integrates constructivist principles into its design and delivery.


Author(s):  
Roman Pyrma

The study contributes to defining the impact of digital communication on civic and political participation, explaining how social media mediate public activism. Based on the concept of the ‘digital citizenship’ the paper reveals the political aspect of the public activism of Russian youth online. The empirical model is based on a combination of methods and procedures of applied research in order to reveal the details of civil and political participation, and protest activism of youth online. The research model includes analysis of social media and a large-scale online survey of the younger audience. Based on the analysis of social media information flows, the paper states the prevalence of the youth’s civic participation over political participation, as well as the fact that the dynamics of social activity depend on the events and the current agenda. The authors describe the level of civic and political activity of youth online based on sociological data. They also divide the audience of the protest theatre according to the following models: leaders, activists, followers, and spectators. In general, the study reveals the status and details of the younger generation’s communication activity online, where communities establish and implications of linking actions appear.


Author(s):  
Manuel Vogt

Why are ethnic movements more likely to turn violent in some multiethnic countries than in others? Focusing on the long-term legacies of European colonialism, this book presents two ideal-typical logics of ethnic group mobilization—one of violent competition and another of nonviolent emancipatory opposition. The book’s theory first explains why ethnic grievances are translated into either violent or nonviolent forms of conflict as a function of distinct ethnic cleavage types, resulting from different colonial experiences. Violent intergroup conflict is least likely where settler colonialism resulted in persistent stratification, with ethnic groups organized as ethnoclasses. Such stratified societies are characterized by an equilibrium of inequality, in which historically marginalized groups lack both the organizational strength and the opportunities for armed rebellion. In contrast, where colonialism and decolonization divided ethnic groups into segmented, unranked subsocieties that feature distinct socioeconomic and cultural institutions, ethnic mobilization is more likely to trigger violent conflict. Second, the theory links this structural explanation to the political actors at the heart of ethnic movements—in particular, ethnic organizations. It elucidates how these organizations fuel the risk of civil conflict in segmented unranked societies, but peacefully promote the empowerment of historically marginalized groups in stratified societies. The book draws on an innovative mixed-methods design that combines large-n statistical analyses—using new data on the linguistic and religious segmentation of ethnic groups, as well as on ethnic organizations—with case studies based on original field research in four different countries in sub-Saharan Africa and Latin America.


Author(s):  
Manuel Vogt

Focusing on Latin America, this chapter examines the consequences of ethnic mobilization in the colonial settler states. It draws on a novel data set on ethnic organizations covering all Latin American states from 1946 to 2009. The statistical analyses reveal that indigenous and African-descendant groups that are represented by ethnic organizations have a higher chance of inclusion in executive state power at either the national or regional level than groups without such organizational representatives. Yet this effect depends on the level of democratic freedom. In addition, the results confirm that ethnic organizations in these states also foment peaceful ethnopolitical contention, in the form of collective protest. Thus, in stratified societies, ethnic organizations assume an emancipatory function, promoting the empowerment of the historically subordinated groups, while promoting nonviolent contentious action.


PeerJ ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. e1537 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samual T. Williams ◽  
Kathryn S. Williams ◽  
Christoffel J. Joubert ◽  
Russell A. Hill

Large carnivores are decreasing in number due to growing pressure from an expanding human population. It is increasingly recognised that state-protected conservation areas are unlikely to be sufficient to protect viable populations of large carnivores, and that private land will be central to conservation efforts. In 2000, a fast-track land reform programme (FTLRP) was initiated in Zimbabwe, ostensibly to redress the racial imbalance in land ownership, but which also had the potential to break up large areas of carnivore habitat on private land. To date, research has focused on the impact of the FTLRP process on the different human communities, while impacts on wildlife have been overlooked. Here we provide the first systematic assessment of the impact of the FTLRP on the status of large carnivores. Spoor counts were conducted across private, resettled and communal land use types in order to estimate the abundance of large carnivores, and to determine how this had been affected by land reform. The density of carnivore spoor differed significantly between land use types, and was lower on resettlement land than on private land, suggesting that the resettlement process has resulted in a substantial decline in carnivore abundance. Habitat loss and high levels of poaching in and around resettlement areas are the most likely causes. The FTLRP resulted in the large-scale conversion of land that was used sustainably and productively for wildlife into unsustainable, unproductive agricultural land uses. We recommended that models of land reform should consider the type of land available, that existing expertise in land management should be retained where possible, and that resettlement programmes should be carefully planned in order to minimise the impacts on wildlife and on people.


Author(s):  
L. D. Dinshak

In spite of the robust provisions of the ECOWAS convention for the control of small arms and light weapons (SALW) in West Africa, Nigeria which is a leading Member State has been experiencing daunting challenges to personal human security posed by the large-scale availability of SALW. Although Nigeria has made some efforts towards the implementation of the Convention, the status of the country in that regard has not been clear. This paper sought to examine the nature of the implementation of the Convention in Nigeria with a view to determining the lacuna in the process and addressing it. In-depth interviews were conducted with relevant stakeholders and leaders of institutions such as the ECOWAS Commission and Nigeria’s Presidential Committee on Small Arms (PRESCOM). Secondary data were also used including official documents and researches related to them. The study revealed that Nigeria has failed to domesticate and implement the Convention accordingly. It therefore recommended that the Federal Government should urgently take steps towards establishing the National Commission and put the required structure and support to ensure its effective and efficient implementation.  Dinshak, L. D. | Centre for Conflict Management and Peace Studies, University of Jos, Plateau State, Nigeria


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