The Future of the Brussels Effect

2019 ◽  
pp. 265-288
Author(s):  
Anu Bradford

Chapter 9 concludes this book by looking into the future. It addresses both external and internal challenges to EU’s regulatory hegemony and examines whether and how the Brussels Effect will persist, given these challenges. The impending departure of the United Kingdom from the EU may appear to weaken the EU’s regulatory power. The growing concerns over the future of multilateral institutions and international cooperation may also challenge the EU’s ability to shape the global regulatory environment. Additional challenges loom on the horizon. These include the rise of China and other emerging powers that will gradually erode the relative market power of the EU. Technological change may revolutionize industrial processes, allowing for greater customization and thereby reducing the need to produce to a single global (often European) standard. Finally, the EU’s internal political struggles may compromise its ability to engage in effective rule making as the anti-EU sentiment grows. This chapter will consider each of these challenges in turn, offering an account of not just the EU’s regulatory power but the persistence of that power.

2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 131
Author(s):  
Juniar Laraswanda Umagapi

China is the emerging powers that many people believe that in the many years later they will be the most productive country with the fastest growing economic development in the world. As a consequence, China would be the main actor for global integrations as well as one of strategic partners for Indonesia. This research employs qualitative research method to understand which aspect influence the most towards Indonesia and China partnership. This paper will show the future partnership between China and Indonesia in economic and socio-cultural aspect.Keywords: China, Indonesia, emerging powers, economic, integration, socio-cultural


2020 ◽  
pp. 002201832097753
Author(s):  
Gemma Davies ◽  
Paul Arnell

The Republic of Ireland and the United Kingdom have a long, close and difficult history. The most recent phase of which dates from 1998 and the conclusion of the Good Friday Agreement. Since 1921, however, there has been unique practice between Ireland and the UK as regards the transfer of accused and convicted persons from one to the other. Indeed, there has been a special and close relationship between the two in that regard; albeit one not without difficulties. In recent times EU Justice and Home Affairs measures and the Good Friday Agreement have supplemented and strengthened the relationship. These include, since January 2004, the European Arrest Warrant (EAW). The EAW has been particularly important in streamlining the extradition process between the Ireland and the UK. This phase of history and co-operation is coming to an end. The UK’s membership of the EU has now ceased, and a transition period during which the UK remains part of the EAW will end on 31st December 2020. The extradition relationship between the two is therefore facing a considerable challenge. There are several options open to Ireland, the UK and the EU as a replacement. Time, political will and the interests of third states, however, may well stand in the way of the conclusion of an agreement that optimally serves the interests of all parties and criminal justice. This paper considers the origins of extradition between the UK and Ireland and the alternative methods of extradition open to the UK and Ireland after Brexit. Consideration is given to the likely operation of a Norway-Iceland style agreement and whether such an agreement will be in place by the end of the transition and, if it was, whether its terms are likely to be sufficient for the needs of Ireland and the UK. The possibility of a bilateral arrangement on extradition between Ireland and the UK is also explored. Underlying the discussion is the critical point that the future extradition relationship must retain its ‘special’ characteristics, and therefore maintain the trust and good will that has developed over the years and given rise to an effective extradition relationship between the two countries. In other words, the lessons of history must be remembered.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (7) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Syed Muhammad Saad Zaidi ◽  
Adam Saud

In contemporary times, the geo-political agenda and geo-economic strategy of the world is being dominated by the ongoing US-China hegemonic competition. Where the United States is trying to prolong the ‘unipolar moment’ and deter the rise of China; China is trying to establish itself as the hegemon in the Eastern hemisphere, an alternate to the US. The entirely opposite interests of the two Great Powers have initiated a hostile confrontational competition for domination. This paper seeks to determine the future nature of the US-China relations; will history repeat itself and a bloody war be fought to determine the leader of the pack? or another prolonged Cold War will be fought, which will end when one side significantly weakens and collapses? Both dominant paradigms of International Relations, Realism and Liberalism, are used to analyze the future nature of the US-China relations.


Subject Prospects for Europe in the third quarter. Significance For the rest of June and the third quarter, the EU will grapple with the future positions within the bloc of two member states, the United Kingdom and Greece. The period will see the resolution, one way or another, of the immediate crisis in Greece's relations with its international creditors. The way in which this takes place will have profound implications for the future of the single currency.


Ekonomika ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 93 (3) ◽  
pp. 7-24
Author(s):  
Karina Jędrzejowska

The main goal of the paper is to examine the key features of the current international monetary system and provide an overview of scenarios for the future global monetary arrangements. It is noted that just a few years back there seemed to be a bipolar monetary system based on the U.S. dollar and the euro in the making. The rise of China and the possible emergence of the Chinese renminbi as an international currency gave way to a debate on a tripolar monetary system. Today, the future of the international monetary system is still open. It needs reforming in order to meet the requirements of the new global order with multiple growth centers, the growing role of transnational actors, and the increasing global influence of the major emerging economies.The analysis reveals that the relations among the major international currencies are changing, and today at least three scenarios for the future monetary order seem possible. These are the maintenance of the U.S. dollar domination, a shift towards a multipolar currency order, and the gradual regionalization of the currency order. The concept of a single currency – though theoretically attracting – seems impossible to be implemented in the foreseeable future. The analysis is based on monetary and economic theories, historical patterns of the development of monetary regimes, and an extensive literature overview backed by the data provided by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the Bank for International Settlements (BIS). 


2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bentley Allan ◽  
Srdjan Vucetic ◽  
Ted Hopf

Existing theories predict that the rise of China will trigger a hegemonic transition and the current debate centers on whether or not the transition will be violent or peaceful. This debate largely sidesteps two questions that are central to understanding the future of international order: how strong is the current Western hegemonic order and what is the likelihood that China can or will lead a successful counter-hegemonic challenge? We argue that the future of international order is shaped not only by material power but also by the distribution of identity across the great powers. We develop a constructivist account of hegemonic transition that theorizes the role of the distribution of identity in international order. In our account, hegemonic orders depend on a legitimating ideology that must be consistent with the distribution of identity at both the level of elites and masses. We map the distribution of identity across nine great powers and assess how this distribution supports the current Western neoliberal democratic hegemony. We conclude that China is unlikely to become the hegemon in the near-term. First, the present order is strongly supported by the distribution of identity in both Western states and rising powers like India and Brazil. Second, China is unlikely to join the present order and lead a transition from within because its authoritarian identity conflicts with the democratic ideology of the present order. Finally, China is unlikely to lead a counter-hegemonic coalition of great powers because it will be difficult to build an appealing, universal ideology consistent with the identities of other great powers.


Significance The celebration came just days before the United Kingdom is set to begin the withdrawal process. Precisely what path the EU will take over the next decade remains uncertain and the European Commission has kicked off a process of dialogue on various scenarios for its future. Impacts Debates about the future of the EU will occur simultaneously with Brexit negotiations and be coloured by them. EU leaders will be keen to continue to demonstrate their commitment to press forward with European integration despite Brexit. Brexit will not lead to an unravelling of the EU and thus far has served to enhance support for the Union in other member states. Yet Brexit will not lead to any sudden deepening of integration.


2018 ◽  
Vol 04 (02) ◽  
pp. 159-175
Author(s):  
Xing Li ◽  
Shengjun Zhang

To better assess the global impact of the ascendance of emerging powers brought about by globalization, this paper attempts to provide a conceptual framework of “interdependent hegemony,” which can serve as an alternative conceptual tool for analyzing the dynamics between the role of emerging powers as a counter-hegemonic, socio-political force and the hegemonic resilience of the existing international order. The paper also regards the capitalist world economy as a dynamic system which is under constant changes over time, whereas certain basic features of the system remain in place. It is argued that despite the rise of emerging powers, the functioning of the world economy will always generate inequalities with positional changes in the stratification of the core-semiperiphery-periphery structure. In this context, the rise of China as both a recipient and provider of global production and investment is fundamentally a positive driving force behind the evolution of the world system.


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