Conferring Official Language Rights in Legal Communication

Author(s):  
Janny H.C. Leung

This chapter asks two questions about the nature of official language rights. The first is a practical one—whether and how official language law enhances language rights for the communities concerned. A comparative approach is taken to answer this question, which will also reveal situations where official language rights conflict with existing legal principles and norms. The second question is a philosophical one. Should language rights derived from official status be distinguished from language rights derived from fair trial rights? Since natural justice rationale only seeks to ensure effective communication and fair trial, and is indifferent to the choice of particular languages, the enlargement of language rights through official status must be justified through additional principles. Courts in multilingual jurisdictions have been trying to come up with persuasive principles that justify the derivation of language rights from official status. Such justifications include a constitutional promise about linguistic equality, the cultural survival of official language communities, and respect for the cultural identity of these communities.

2016 ◽  
Vol 75 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-61
Author(s):  
Michael Meeuwis

Het Koloniaal Charter, de organieke wet die in 1908 de overname van Congo door de Belgische staat uit de privé-handen van Koning Leopold II regelde, bevatte een artikel over taalrechten in de kolonie. Hoewel ook taalrechten voor de Congolezen erin vermeld werden, handelde het artikel in de eerste plaats over taalrechten voor de Belgische koloniserende minderheid. Het artikel is er gekomen op aandringen van enkele Vlaamse parlementsleden tijdens debatten gehouden in de Kamer van Volksvertegenwoordigers in de eerste helft van 1908. In deze bijdrage worden deze debatten besproken om zo de semantiek en taalideologische achtergronden van elk deel van het artikel van een historische verklaring te voorzien. Daarnaast wordt ook belicht hoe niet alleen in 1908 maar ook in de decennia erna (en tot aan de dekolonisatie in 1960), met name telkens wanneer Vlaamse politici de gebrekkige toepassing van het taalwetsartikel en de blijvende dominantie van het Frans in Belgisch-Congo aanklaagden, zij verwijzingen maakten naar de Afrikaners en het Afrikaans in Zuid-Afrika, om zo het argument kracht bij te zetten dat het Nederlands in heel Afrika onder de Sahara een taal van belang was of kon worden. Opmerkelijk is dat ook Zuid-Afrikaanse denkers en politici meermaals naar de aanwezigheid en het officiële statuut van het Nederlands in Belgisch-Congo verwezen, namelijk in hun strijd tegen de dominantie van het Engels tegenover het Nederlands/Afrikaans bij hen. Vanaf 1914 kwamen er bovendien rechtstreekse contacten tussen Vlaamse en Afrikaanse politici over deze materie. In een afsluitend deel wordt aangegeven hoe aan het eind van de Belgische kolonisatie de Congolese elite erg negatief reageerde op de Vlaamse eisen voor een tweetalige kolonie, omdat ze er een kolonialistische rem op hun kansen tot socio-economische emancipatie in zagen.___________ Language Struggle in Africa: The language law article in the Colonial Charter of 1908 and the fight of Flemings and Afrikaners for Dutch in Africa until 1960The Colonial Charter, the organic law that regulated the Belgian state’s takeover of Congo from the private ownership of King Leopold II in 1908, contained an article about language rights in the colony. While language rights for the Congolese were mentioned therein, the article primarily dealt with language rights for the colonizing Belgian minority. The article came about on the insistence of several Flemish members of parliament during debates held in the Chamber of Representatives in the first half of 1908. In this article, these debates are discussed in order to provide a historical explanation for the semantic and language-ideology background for each section of this article of the Charter. In addition, light will be shed on how not only in 1908, but also in the following decades (and until decolonization in 1960), particularly whenever Flemish politicians complained about the spotty application of the article and the continuing dominance of French in Belgian Congo, they pointed to the Afrikaners and Afrikaans in South Africa in order to make a strong argument that Dutch was, or could become, an important language in all of sub-Saharan Africa. Notably, South African thinkers and politicians also pointed out the presence and official status of Dutch in Belgian Congo on several occasions, namely in their own struggle against the domination of English over Dutch/Afrikaans. Moreover, from 1914 onward there were direct contacts between Flemish and Afrikaner politicians concerning this matter. The conclusion of this article suggests that in the last years of Belgian colonialism, the Congolese elite reacted quite negatively to Flemish demands for a bilingual colony because they saw in such demands a colonialist hindrance on their chances for socioeconomic emancipation.


Author(s):  
Jonathan Hopkin

Recent elections in the advanced Western democracies have undermined the basic foundations of political systems that had previously beaten back all challenges—from both the Left and the Right. The election of Donald Trump to the US presidency, only months after the United Kingdom voted to leave the European Union, signaled a dramatic shift in the politics of the rich democracies. This book traces the evolution of this shift and argues that it is a long-term result of abandoning the postwar model of egalitarian capitalism in the 1970s. That shift entailed weakening the democratic process in favor of an opaque, technocratic form of governance that allows voters little opportunity to influence policy. With the financial crisis of the late 2000s, these arrangements became unsustainable, as incumbent politicians were unable to provide solutions to economic hardship. Electorates demanded change, and it had to come from outside the system. Using a comparative approach, the text explains why different kinds of anti-system politics emerge in different countries and how political and economic factors impact the degree of electoral instability that emerges. Finally, it discusses the implications of these changes, arguing that the only way for mainstream political forces to survive is for them to embrace a more activist role for government in protecting societies from economic turbulence.


2018 ◽  
Vol 38 (05) ◽  
pp. 539-547 ◽  
Author(s):  
Neil Vaishnav ◽  
Winston Chiong

AbstractThe doctrine of informed consent sits at the intersection of law, ethics, and neuroscience, posing unique challenges for human subject research involving neurological patients. These challenges are compounded by the variegated nature of both neurological injury and the law governing research consent. This article provides a framework for investigators likely to encounter subjects with some degree of neurological impairment, whose capacity to consent requires scrupulous assessment prior to enrollment in research trials. We consider several researches and disease contexts—from emergency epilepsy research to long-term dementia research—and clarify the ethical and legal principles governing consent for participation in each. We additionally explore empirical research on consent capacity and survey several areas of emerging ethical import that will require the attention of investigators in decades to come.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Faith Esera

<p>The official language of Sāmoa is Samoan, but the majority of the population speak English as a second language. Because of early contact with missionaries and colonial powers, the English language soon became widely acknowledged and used in Sāmoa. Even after Sāmoa became independent from New Zealand, the English language was and is still recognised, but not made official, in the Constitution of Sāmoa and education policies.  This paper reports on the languages that are present in the linguistic landscape of Sāmoa. The main purpose of the study was to identify the predominant language used in Sāmoa, and to analyse ‘hybridity’ or ‘dualism’ on signs that contained the Samoan language. The data consists of 987 signs taken from two survey areas, Apia and Salelologa, using a digital camera. Scollon and Scollon’s (2003) ‘Place Semiotics’ was used to give an overview of the preferred code in the LL of Sāmoa. The ‘Motu Analysis’, a reconceptualization of Backhaus’s ‘part writing’ types, was used to analyse how two or more languages are used and positioned on signs in the LL; this analysis responds to the research question on ‘hybridity’. The final step involved a closer analysis of the subset of signs containing the Samoan language to detect signs of hybridity through loanwords and semantic extensions.  The results of the analyses indicated that English is the dominant language in the linguistic landscape of Sāmoa despite lacking official status in the language policies of Sāmoa. The findings further reveal that the English influence on the Samoan language on the signs is reflected more in semantic loans than loanwords, revealing a healthier picture of the Samoan language. The study concludes with possible lines of research for further studies in Sāmoa and the Pacific.</p>


Author(s):  
Maha Saad Said Al-shahrani

This study aimed to analyze and compare the legal guarantees of the juvenile accused in the trial stage under both the Saudi regime and the Convention on the Rights of the Child. On the analytical and comparative approach, through the analysis of criminal legal texts dealing with the organization of legal safeguards for the juvenile accused at the trial stage until we find out their adequacy and inadequacy and their effectiveness in achieving a fair trial for juveniles, and compare them with the Convention on the Rights of the Child to address deficiencies and deficiencies, if any, and rectify them. This study culminates in a number of results, the most important of which are: The conviction of the juvenile should not be considered a priority, because it is unfair to load the juvenile mistakes in his juvenile period, in addition to this may affect the future of the event, and make him an adult deviant. The study also reached a number of recommendations, the most important of which are the following: Using the technical means in the social observation house and the girls' welfare institution when conducting the trial with juveniles, because of its importance in the event feeling of peace and comfort Consequences of being in a room isolated from the atmosphere of the trial.


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 36
Author(s):  
Nassima Kerras ◽  
Moulay-Lahssan Baya E.

A sociolinguistic study is made of the Maltese language to compare it to the Algerian language. Algerian is not the official language in Algeria, although it is the national one, and in this article an empirical study is undertaken to question the particularities of Algerian and its formation, comparing it with Maltese which has itself gained official status. Maltese, or “the language of the kitchen” as it is known, has gained important status on the island after decades of foreign occupation and linguistic influence from various civilizations that left palpable paw prints on the Mediterranean island. Maltese has managed to successfully confirm its linguistic identity, through a noticeable influence of Arabic, Italian and English amongst other languages that have imposed themselves and had a hand in forming the Maltese language. A sociolinguistic and historical study is made to explain the formation of Algerian comparing it to Maltese and the influence of history in both languages. A historical study is made to compare and observe the historic diachronic of both countries, and we compare the influence of foreign languages in Algeria and Malta. Likewise, an empirical study is undertaken to question the use of Algerian from various angles, and to examine the linguistic identity in Algeria.


2018 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 40-60
Author(s):  
Christopher Houtkamp ◽  
László Marácz

In this paper a normative position will be defended. We will argue that minimal territorial minority language rights formulated in terms of the personality principle referring to traditional minority languages granted in the framework of the European Union (EU) are a benchmark for non-territorial linguistic rights. Although territorial minority languages should be granted collective rights this is in large parts of Europe not the case. Especially in the Central and Eastern European Member States language rights granted to territorial languages are assigned on the basis of personal language rights. Our argumentation will be elaborated on the basis of a comparative approach discussing the status of a traditional territorial language in Romania, more in particular Hungarian spoken in the Szeklerland area with the one of migrant languages in the Netherlands, more in particular Turkish. In accordance with the language hierarchy implying that territorial languages have a higher status than non-territorial languages both in the EUs and Member States’ language regimes nonterritorial linguistic rights will be realized as personal rights in the first place. Hence, the use of non-territorial minority languages is conditioned much as the use of territorial minority languages in the national Member States. So, the best possible scenario for mobile minority languages is to be recognized as a personal right and receive full support from the states where they are spoken. It is true that learning the host language would make inclusion of migrant language speakers into the host society smoother and securing a better position on the labour market. This should however be done without striving for full assimilation of the speakers of migrant languages for this would violate the linguistic rights of migrants to speak and cultivate one’s own heritage language, violate the EUs linguistic diversity policy, and is against the advantages provided by linguistic capital in the sense of BOURDIEU (1991).


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 135-151
Author(s):  
Kate Tubridy

This article explores the often fraught intersections between social media, fair trial principles and community engagement with high-profile crimes. Specifically, a detailed analysis is undertaken of the Facebook response to the arrest of Adrian Ernest Bayley for the murder of Ms Gillian (Jill) Meagher in Victoria, Australia in 2012. As one of the first Australian crimes to receive a significant social media response, this research provides empirical insights into the dynamic and evolving relationship between social media, the community and criminal trials. By drawing on a critical discourse analysis of over 3,000 comments on the R.I.P Jill Meagher Facebook page, this article identifies and critiques a ‘Discourse of Challenge’ in which digital communication enabled the reinterpretation of legal principles. Further, this article provides empirical insights into the meaning-making processes of Facebook discourses and focuses on how fair trial principles are contested on Facebook in novel and, at times, contradictory, ways.  


2021 ◽  
Vol 71 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-82
Author(s):  
Angel Adams Parham

This essay places Louisiana Creole culture and identity into comparative perspective with the evolution of Creole identity and créolité in Haiti and the French Antilles. While Haitian and Antillean intellectuals wrestled at the crossroads of French and African culture over the course of the twentieth century, the leading intellectuals of Louisiana’s Creole society were more likely to embrace French language and culture than to work self-consciously to integrate African influences into their understanding of themselves. A similar kind of cultural reckoning did not occur among Louisiana Creole writers and intellectuals until late in the twentieth century. The essay uses a comparative approach to examine the factors that have led to Louisiana taking such a different approach to Creole identity and cultural expression and considers how the community may evolve in the years to come. Cet essai situe la culture et l’identité créoles louisianaises dans une perspective comparée avec l’évolution de l’identité créole et de la créolité en Haïti et aux Antilles françaises. Lorsque des intellectuels haïtiens et antillais travaillaient au carrefour des cultures française et africaine au parcours du vingtième siècle, les intellectuels du chef de file de la société créole de la Louisiane tendaient plus à engager la langue et la culture françaises que de chercher à intégrer consciemment les influences africaines dans leur conception identitaire. Ce n’est que plus tard dans le vingtième siècle que nous témoignons d’une reconnaissance culturelle similaire chez les écrivains et les intellectuels de la Louisiane créole. Cet essai aborde de manière comparée les éléments qui contribuaient à une approche si différente à l’identité et l’expression culturelle créoles en Louisiane et considère comment la communauté pourraient évoluer à l’avenir.


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