“Wake up brothers and sisters”

Author(s):  
Nancy K. Bristow

Chapter 2 explores the convergence of forces that led to the 1970 shootings at Jackson State, beginning with the shooting of local activist Benjamin Brown in 1967 and then the tensions between conservatism and reform on campus from 1967 to 1970. Even as a new racial consciousness emerged on the campus after the ascension of John Peoples to the presidency, Jackson State remained largely isolated from the growing antiwar and student activism on campuses nationwide. Civil rights gains, student activism, the antiwar movement, urban rebellions, and the growing appeal of Black Power, though, had produced near-hysteria among white Mississippians and a broader backlash in white communities nationwide, a mood President Richard Nixon tapped into with his Southern Strategy and his deployment of racially veiled law and order rhetoric. In such a context, law enforcement in Jackson felt empowered to answer even limited unrest on the campus with force.

Author(s):  
Jelani M. Favors

This chapter discusses Greensboro, North Carolina as the unofficial headquarters for the Black Power Movement in the south and the role that North Carolina A&T State University played in facilitating that development. Since the dawn of the turbulent 60s, A&T had been a force for change and an epicenter for student activism. With the dawning of the Black Power Movement, A&T students completely embraced the rhetoric of the era and followed it up with action. Those activists’ energies fed other Black Power initiatives across the state and soon led to the creation of a new national organization, as well as a powerful local organization that embodied the shifting agenda of the civil rights movement to address abject poverty throughout Black America. Those energies also attracted the attention of local law enforcement and the National Guard, which invaded the campus in May of 1969, shot and killed a student, and terrorized the predominantly black side of Greensboro. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the shifting landscape of HBCUs during the early 70s and the external and internal pressures that arrested the development of Black Power organizations during the decade.


Author(s):  
Lauren Pearlman

The conclusion discusses key trends in the shift to black political power after the 1974 election of Walter Washington, assesses the 1978 mayoral election of Marion Barry, and explains the outcomes of the programs implemented and projects undertaken during the Lyndon Johnson and Richard Nixon presidencies. Self-government in the nation’s capital was not a simple or arcane issue about representation but one that was central to conflicts between local and national powers. The implementation of the 1973 home rule legislation granted rights to self-government, but it did not change the U.S. Constitution. The conclusion shows how legislative home rule allowed Congress to grant autonomy to the local government while reserving the ability to intervene and overrule the District at any time. Through intense fights and increased activism, Washingtonians fought for greater political control. But the racialization of crime policies and crime discourse, the use of new surveillance methods, and the implementation of punitive federal crime legislation curbed their efforts to achieve true self- determination. This ensured that the majority-black city with a strong civil rights tradition and hints of radical promise never fulfilled its democratic potential.


2020 ◽  
pp. 143-164
Author(s):  
Lisa M. Corrigan

While the tensions between white hope and black despair were a dynamic that characterized politics in the Long Sixties, their structure is recursive. That is, the (positive and negative racial) feelings that undergird racial liberalism did not stop emerging and receding after law and order campaigns destroyed civil rights and Black Power organizing in the mid-70s. Nowhere is this clearer than in the entrance and disappearance of the so-called “Obama coalition” in 2008 to elect Barack Obama as the first biracial/black president in U.S. history. In considering how hope continues to be inextricably linked to rage, contempt, and despair, this brief conclusion considers hope as an ironic discourse of liberalism, particularly as it is racialized. The birth of Afro- pessimism as a coterminous discourse with what we now call the “post-racial” Obama coalition is important because it demonstrates how black feelings in the Long Sixties continue to shape national political discourse, demonstrating how affective politics are iterative as well as how they change over time.


Author(s):  
Oleksandr Kobzar ◽  
Serhiy Tkachenko

The article analyzes the international experience of functioning of bodies and institutions ensuring observance of discipline and law and order in law enforcement bodies, the corresponding data are compared with functioning of inspections on personnel of department of personnel of National police of Ukraine and, on the basis of the received information. In different countries of the world, control bodies are called differently, and in the system of the National Police of Ukraine, there are several such bodies, one of which is the inspection of personnel, but, in turn, the author proposes to investigate the functioning of disciplinary bodies and legality in law enforcement agencies in the world, as this positive experience can make it possible to optimize the functioning of the institution in the national space. International experience of the relevant processes is characterized by various features that set out the essence and importance of discipline and legality in the activities of law enforcement agencies. The issue of using international experience in improving the functioning of institutions that ensure discipline and legality in law enforcement is one of the most important. From the proper functioning of law enforcement agencies, first of all, depends on the level of human and civil rights and freedoms in each state where they exist. Based on a survey of the concept of discipline and legality, as well as determining its importance in the law enforcement system, analyzing the international experience of ensuring discipline and legality by relevant bodies in law enforcement agencies, namely the police and identifying, based on analysis, the main methods of achieving appropriate bodies set goals, the authors identified the relevant conclusions.


Author(s):  
Nancy K. Bristow

The introduction offers an overview of the shootings of May 15, 1970, and the effort by students to protect the evidence and memory of what happened. An HBCU in the most racially repressive state, Jackson State College opened in the midst of the counterrevolution against Reconstruction and was determined to provide a first-rate education. The school struggled against white supremacy from the beginning. Activism following World War Two, the Brown decision, and the civil rights movement produced an epic backlash, including violence against activists, leading to the growing dominance of Black Power as an organizing philosophy. Activism on campus had long been repressed by the administration, acting on behalf of the all-white Board of Trustees, but by the end of the decade the campus was changing, influenced by Black Power and a new president, and opportunities to grow and express racial consciousness emerged. It was this campus law enforcement assaulted.


Author(s):  
Viktor Orlov ◽  

The article is devoted to the study of the constitutional and legal essence of non-state forms of law enforcement in Ukraine. The author emphasizes that in Ukraine law enforcement has always been associated with the activities of state bodies, but these bodies today under various circumstances are not able to fully ensure the security of all systems operating in society. The development of the European vector of Ukraine, the processes of decentralization and deconcentration of power, the urgent need to create a safe environment have led to the development of non-state forms of law enforcement. The relevance of the study is due to the existing problems of determining the constitutional and legal content of existing non-state forms of law enforcement in Ukraine. The author reveals the problematic issues of defining the term «law and order» and «protection of law and order» in the Constitution of Ukraine and legislation. It is determined that the format of modern problem definition requires the search for opportunities for the development of security engineering with the involvement of non-governmental elements of law enforcement. The author believes that the function of law enforcement is implemented in two forms: state and non-state, respectively, under the form of law enforcement we mean the external manifestation of specific actions carried out by state and non-state elements of law enforcement to protect human rights and freedoms, law enforcement. The opinion that it is necessary to distinguish between private, municipal and public forms of law enforcement is substantiated. Private forms of law enforcement should include the activities of: private security companies; private detectives. The municipal forms of law enforcement include the activities of: the municipal guard; municipal parking inspectors; municipal officials performing law enforcement functions. The public forms of law enforcement include the activities of: public formations for the protection of public order; security coordination offices; public assistants of a district police officer on a voluntary basis. It is concluded that the constitutional and legal design of the definition of law and order with the involvement of non-state forms of its protection is an important form of security engineering and an effective institution for ensuring human and civil rights and freedoms in Ukraine.


2020 ◽  
pp. 102-105
Author(s):  
A. A. Prykhodko

The article analyzes the theoretical and practical aspects of the anti-corruption policy of Ukraine in the context of European integration. Considered that corruption has long been perceived in the EU as a negative phenomenon requiring systematic, strategic and concerted action of a transboundary and transnational character and, in general, a threat to the rule of law. The author concluded that Ukraine will continue to be perceived by a third world country as long as anti-corruption measures are duplicated from one strategic document to another. The anti-corruption strategy of Ukraine should be an early, strategic and systematic tool for the eradication of corruption and the formation of public justice in the context of zero tolerance for such phenomena. Now this is a set of normatively fixed declarative slogans that are consistent with international standards, but are not achievable in practical terms due to the lack of state strategic planning in advance. The new anti-corruption strategy must necessarily include a broad interpretation of all the concepts used in it, including the term “anti-corruption policy”. Taking into account the recommendations of the CIS Interparliamentary Assembly, the author’s vision of the term “anti-corruption policy” has been formed, as a set of principles, tasks, goals and principles of implementation of law-making and law-enforcement activity of public administration within the protection of human and civil rights and freedoms a state implemented by a system of methods, means and measures to combat corruption in priority areas and in accordance with anti-corruption standards and on the basis of transnational national and cross-border cooperation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 60 (4) ◽  
pp. 612-622
Author(s):  
Rosina Lozano

The twenty-first century has seen a surge in scholarship on Latino educational history and a new nonbinary umbrella term, Latinx, that a younger generation prefers. Many of historian Victoria-María MacDonald's astute observations in 2001 presaged the growth of the field. Focus has increased on Spanish-surnamed teachers and discussions have grown about the Latino experience in higher education, especially around student activism on campus. Great strides are being made in studying the history of Spanish-speaking regions with long ties to the United States, either as colonies or as sites of large-scale immigration, including Puerto Rico, Cuba, and the Philippines. Historical inquiry into the place of Latinos in the US educational system has also developed in ways that MacDonald did not anticipate. The growth of the comparative race and ethnicity field in and of itself has encouraged cross-ethnic and cross-racial studies, which often also tie together larger themes of colonialism, language instruction, legal cases, and civil rights or activism.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Mary Beth Brown

[ACCESS RESTRICTED TO THE UNIVERSITY OF MISSOURI-COLUMBIA AT REQUEST OF AUTHOR.] This dissertation examines post-World War II student civil rights activism at two Midwestern college campuses, the University of Missouri (MU) and the University of Kansas (KU). Missouri and Kansas have conflicting histories concerning race dating back to Bleeding Kansas and the history of race relations on the campuses of KU and MU. This history is especially complicated during the period between 1946 and 1954 because of heightened student activism that challenged racial injustices. Race relations on campus largely mirrored that of the state's political environment, with KU having integrated in the 19th century, whereas MU did not desegregate until 1950. However, the same did not apply to the success of student activists at each school where MU students found success fighting against discriminatory practices in Columbia, whereas local business leaders and the university administration stymied KU students. The dissertation examines the exchange of ideas and strategy among students, which occurred through athletics, debates, guest speakers, and various regional and national groups. In particular, the study argues that campus spaces, such as residential co-ops and student organizations, were deeply significant because they served as incubators of activism by offering students a place to talk about racial and social injustice and plan ways to challenge these inequalities and effect change on campus and in the broader community.


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