Vertical interactions

Author(s):  
Pierre Salmon

This chapter considers yardstick competition in the context of multilevel governmental systems. Vertical interactions then arising complicate in various ways the working of yardstick competition. The first section is about the effect of these interactions on horizontal yardstick competition that is, on yardstick competition among governments situated at the same tier. Interactions may also take the form of vertical competition among governments situated at different tiers. The second section considers different forms of vertical competition, with a special focus on the form proposed by Albert Breton, based on a particular interpretation of yardstick competition. The second section also includes a discussion of vertical competition in unitary types of intergovernmental relations—when governments at one tier are entitled to change the rules. The third section is about yardstick competition in the European Union setting.

2021 ◽  
Vol 28 ◽  

The research represents a real attempt to show the contemporary competition and conflict that erupted between countries to control the countries that affected by The Arab Spring. Especially the oil-rich, including Libya, which has a distinguished geographical location, so this is what made France and Turkey engage in a political adventure, an economic competition, and an attempt to establish influence in Libya. The State of Libya was completely destroyed in order to control its oil, which is targeted by Western countries and their oil companies. The Turkish government tried to exploit its Islamic identity to influence the emotions of the Libyan parties and provided support for them. Then, it made an agreement with the Libyan government headed by Fayez al-Sarraj to demarcate the maritime borders, which gave it space to pressure against its opponents in the Mediterranean, after its negotiations to join the European Union failed due to France's refusal to join. The research was divided into five parts, the first dealt with contemporary Turkish-French relations, while the second one dealt with Turkey's position on the French intervention in Libya in 2011. The third one showed France's position on Turkey's accession to the European Union. The fourth one clarified the Turkish-French relations after the 2011 Libyan crisis. The fifth one included the contemporary French strategy in Libya, and finally the sixth one revolved around the impact of the Turkish-French competition on Libya. Keywords: crisis, oil, Libya, Turkey, competition, France.


2009 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 45-58 ◽  
Author(s):  
Renata Pisarek

The objective of this paper is to present an overview of the process of air transport liberalisation within the European Community and its influence on development of the aviation market in Poland. The paper describes the stages of air transport liberalisation in the European Community and its implementation to the Polish market. The special focus is given to problems of existing effects of air transport liberalisation and perspectives of its development. The study primarily intends to examine market structure changes of the Polish civil aviation sector and air traffic dynamics over the years of Polish integration with the European Union, presenting the most up-to-date available statistics


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 8-11
Author(s):  
ŽANETA BALÁŽOVÁ

International cooperation, visiting new countries, meeting new people from all over the world are typical features of these days. The Universities of the Third Age as institutions focused on senior education and their opportunities to help people of older age familiarize with new cultures, it means to integrate into the multicultural society are presented in the paper. The European Union, especially the Erasmus+ program offers chances to students of all ages as well as seniors to enhance the knowledge and skills abroad, to make friends and to improve communication skills in English language.


2012 ◽  
pp. 211-216
Author(s):  
Csilla Nagy

Hungary’s accession to the European Union caused major changes in the country’s life. Rural development subsidies can be received through extensive application mechanisms. This is particularly challenging for lagging micro-regions. My study presents the lagging microregion of Ibrány-Nagyhalász, focusing on what types of organizations and upon what grounds received subsidies in the framework of the Agriculture and Rural Development Operational Programme 2004–2006 (AVOP). I focus on the same parameters when examining the measures in the third axis of the New Hungary Rural Development Programme 2007–2013 (ÚMVP), followed by a comparison between the two programmes’ effectiveness. I conclude that due to the experience collected throughout the period of AVOP, both the number and the quality of applications have risen from the year 2007. Still, due to the lack of competence, cooperation and motivation, the region's planned improvements are not yet fully met and the capabilities of the region are not yet fully exploited. For the future, even more complex and more feasible projects are needed.


2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 35-43
Author(s):  
Elena Grad-Rusu

Since the beginning, the European Union has believed and promoted the idea that an increase in cross-border cooperation contributes to enhanced European integration. This means that cross-border cooperation supports sustainable development along the EU’s internal and external borders, helps reduce differences in living standards and addresses common challenges across these borders. The aim of this paper is to examine the cross-border initiatives between Romania and Hungary with a special focus on the INTERREG projects, which have provided new sources of funding for cross-border activities and regional development in the RomanianHungarian border area. In this context, the cooperation has intensified in the last two decades, especially since Romania joined the EU in 2007. The research proves that cross-border projects and initiatives represent an important source of funding for this type of intervention, when no similar funding sources are available.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 97-114
Author(s):  
Michał Biela

Celem niniejszego artykułu jest prezentacja założeń teoretycznych oraz praktycznej implementacji koncepcji alternatywnych źródeł finansowania społecznościowego w Polsce i Unii Europejskiej ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem aspektów formalno-prawnych crowdfundingu. Artykuł składa się z trzech części: w pierwszej opisano założenia definicyjne i koncepcyjne crowdfundingu, w drugiej przedstawiono propozycję zmiany ram regulacyjnych finansowania społecznościowego, przygotowanych przez instytucje Unii Europejskiej, natomiast trzecia zawiera uregulowania prawne finansowania społecznościowego w Polsce. W artykule jako metodę badawczą zastosowano desk research, której implementacja umożliwiła analizę istniejącej literatury przedmiotu. Theoretical assumptions of crowdfunding and its legal regulations in the European Union and in PolandThe aim of this article is to present the theoretical assumptions and practical implementation of the concept of alternative sources of funding in Poland and in the European Union, with emphasis on the formal and legal aspects of crowdfunding. The article consists of three parts. The first part describes the definition and conceptual assumptions of crowdfunding. The second part presents a proposal to change the crowdfunding regulatory framework at the European Union level. The third part includes legal regulations for crowdfunding in Poland. In the article, desk research was used as a research method, the implementation of which enabled the analysis of the existing literature on the subject.


Author(s):  
Stefan Đurić ◽  
Bojana Lalatović

Solidarity as one of the cornerstone values of the European Union has been once again seated on the red chair and intensively discussed within the European Union and broader. After the economic recession and migrant crisis that marked the last two decades, the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic has once again harshly tested the fundamental objectives and values of the European Union and the responsiveness and effectiveness of its governance system on many fronts. In April, 2020 several EU Member States were among the worst affected countries worldwide and this situation soon became similar in their closest neighbourhood. It put a huge pressure on the EU to act faster, while at the same time placing this sui generis community to the test that led to revealing its strengths and weaknesses. As it happened in the previous crises, the Union launched policies and various programmes that were meant to lessen the burden of the Member States and aspiring countries caused by the crises. The objectives of the mentioned soft law instruments that the EU adopted during the COVID-19 crisis has been not only to show that EU law is equipped to react to health and economic crises rapidly but to deliver its support in terms of solidarity to its Member States and its closest neighbours facing the unprecedented health and economic crisis. This article will explore the value and implication of the solidarity principle in times of Covid-19 in its various manifestations. A special focus will be on the financial and material aspects of the EU instruments created to combat the negative consequences of the pandemic and their further impact on shaping the solidarity principle within the EU system. While examining the character and types of these mechanisms a special focus will be placed on those available to Western Balkan countries, whereas Montenegro as the “fast runner” in the EU integration process will be taken as a case study for the purpose of more detailed analyses. One of the major conclusions of the paper will be that although the speed of the EU reactions due to highly complex structure of decision making was not always satisfying for all the actors concerned, the EU once again has shown that it is reliable and that it treats the Western Balkan countries as privileged partners all for the sake of ending pandemic and launching the socio-economic recovery of the Western Balkans. Analytical and comparative methods will be dominantly relied upon throughout the paper. This will allow the authors to draw the main conclusions of the paper and assess the degree of solidarity as well as the effectiveness of the existing EU instruments that are available to Montenegro and aimed at diminishing negative consequences of the crisis.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 97-111
Author(s):  
Patryk Bukowski

According to the title, the subject of this article is the activity of Frontex (European Border and Coast Guard Agency) on the Western Balkan route during the migrant crisis, the escalation of which took place in mid-2015. The main part of the text has been divided into four parts. In the first part of the article, the author briefly described the genesis of Frontex and its current activity in the normative perspective. In the second part, the author characterised the determinants of the migrant crisis, focusing on the challenges for the European Union which the crisis generated. In the third part, the author described the course of the Western Balkan route and analysed statistical data on the population migrating that route. In the fourth and last part, the author analysed Frontex’s activity on the Western Balkan route, describing the determinants of the actions taken.


2020 ◽  
Vol 45 (4) ◽  
pp. 472-486
Author(s):  
Elizaveta Samoilova

Abstract With all eyes on the recent global COVID-19 pandemic, another pandemic has been growing in the shadows: violence against women. The Council of Europe’s Istanbul Convention creates a legal framework in order to protect women against all forms of violence. Its ratification process, however, has faced considerable challenges, particularly in the Central and Eastern European Member States. This article discusses the basic elements of the Istanbul Convention, reflects on the ratification process in the EU and its Member States, and sets out the main legal issues raised in the European Parliament’s request for an opinion (A-1/19 of 22 November 2019) to the Court of Justice of the European Union. Special focus is put on the choice of the correct EU legal basis and the practices of ‘splitting’ and ‘common accord’. This article argues that the European Parliament’s request for an opinion provides the perfect opportunity for the Court of Justice of the European Union to further clarify the law and the practice of concluding mixed agreements by the EU and its Member States.


2021 ◽  
pp. 717-778
Author(s):  
Robert Schütze

This chapter assesses the EU competition law on private undertakings. The relevant Treaty section is here built upon three pillars. The first pillar deals with anticompetitive cartels and can be found in Article 101 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU). The second pillar concerns situations where a dominant undertaking abuses its market power and is found in Article 102. The third pillar is unfortunately invisible, for when the Treaties were concluded, they did not mention the control of mergers. This constitutional gap has never been closed by later Treaty amendments, yet it has received a legislative filling in the form of the EU Merger Regulation.


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