Artisans of Hope

2019 ◽  
pp. 131-158
Author(s):  
Samy Cohen

As the Israeli right has become firmly ensconced in power and the left shows signs of fatigue, a host of small peace organizations have proliferated that display amazing vitality. The most remarkable are reconciliation NGOs, which show an almost unbelievable dynamism. In a context that is increasingly difficult for the peace camp, these organizations simply refuse to give up and continue to fight for peace as though it were close at hand. They belie the most pessimistic diagnoses about the state of the dovish left. Their objective is ambitious and in many respects revolutionary. Their aim is to establish a partnership for peace on an equal footing. These NGOs strive to help Israelis and Palestinians live together and work towards mutual understanding by combating negative stereotypes and prejudices on either side. They view this form of action as a prerequisite to any political settlement of the conflict and make it the very cornerstone of their identity. This innovative position is an even greater challenge given that many Palestinian organizations feel they should adhere to the call to boycott Israel, while the large majority of Israelis either ignore them or look down on them.

Author(s):  
Aleksey Bredikhin ◽  
Andrei Udaltsov

In the article the authors analyze the essence of propaganda as a means of implementing ideological function of the state. It is noted that propaganda is a mechanism of spreading information persuasive influence in the interpretation and estimation of state power representatives. The structure of propaganda is determined: beneficiary of propaganda, subjects of propaganda, content of propaganda, channels of realization of propaganda, addressee of propaganda, feedback system. Types of propaganda are distinguished: political, axiological, educational, preventive. The authors come to the conclusion that the basic directions and the propaganda content are established in normative acts and the programs and organizational actions accepted according to them. Along with the implementation of propaganda, the ideological function is implemented by prohibiting or restricting propaganda or other dissemination of information that endangers the foundations of the constitutional order and is otherwise aimed at destabilizing the political situation in the State, as well as prohibiting the propaganda of ideas that may harm the foundations of morality and morality. The mass media are essential in carrying out propaganda. The State widely uses this resource on an equal footing with other actors to disseminate ideas of public importance and uses the services of various communication agencies. However, the state forms a legal framework for the mass media, their rights and limitations, which still determines the special position of the state in this process.


Author(s):  
Hazel Gray

This chapter explores the role of the political settlement in shaping outcomes of land investments by analysing struggles in key sectors of the economy. Land reform during the socialist period had far-reaching implications for the political settlement. Reforms to land rights under liberalization involved strengthening land markets; however, the state continued to play a significant role. Corruption within formal land management systems became prevalent during the period of high growth. Vietnam experienced a rapid growth in export agriculture but, in contrast with stable property rights for smallholders, Tanzania’s efforts to encourage large land investments were less successful. Industrialization in both countries generated new forms of land struggles that were influenced by the different distributions of power between the state, existing landowners, and investors.


2020 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nina Sivunen ◽  
Elina Tapio

AbstractIn this paper we explore the use of multimodal and multilingual semiotic resources in interactions between two deaf signing participants, a researcher and an asylum seeker. The focus is on the use of gaze and environmentally coupled gestures. Drawing on multimodal analysis and linguistic ethnography, we demonstrate how gaze and environmentally coupled gestures are effective semiotic resources for reaching mutual understanding. The study provides insight into the challenges and opportunities (deaf) asylum seekers, researchers, and employees of reception centres or the state may encounter because of the asymmetrical language competencies. Our concern is that such asymmetrical situations may be created and maintained by ignoring visual and embodied resources in interaction and, in the case of deaf asylum seekers, by unrealistic expectations towards conventionalized forms of international sign.


Author(s):  
Vasyl Ya. Tatsii ◽  
Yevhen M. Bilousov ◽  
Daryna S. Kosinova

The purpose of this article is to address current issues of doctrinal and legal security of economic security of the state with the actualisation of issues concerning the relationship between the concepts of “economic security” and “economic sovereignty” in their relationship and mutual understanding. The authors pay attention to the analysis of existing in the national legal doctrines of individual countries scientific approaches to the definition of “economic sovereignty”, clarify its main features, analyse the scientific approaches of domestic and foreign researchers to define the concept of “economic security” and on this basis own vision of the instrumental content of these definitions. It is argued that the concept of “economic sovereignty” is primary in relation to the concept of “economic security”. The article examines the national systems (models) of economic security of the state, including, in particular, American, Japanese, Chinese, models of institutional entities (in particular, the EU), models typical of countries with economies in transition. The authors found that Ukraine is characterised by a system (model) of economic security of countries with economies in transition, which is fragmented and inconsistent in its construction, which ultimately affects the state of economic security of the state as a whole. It was found that the main goal of Ukraine at this stage of its development in the context of building a national model of economic security is to create an effective system of means to overcome or minimise existing or potential threats, especially in the context of globalisation of trade and economic relations. The paper emphasises the need to borrow positive foreign experience of legal support of relations for the creation and implementation of national systems of economic security of the state to gradually transform Ukraine into an important participant in the processes of international economic security


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 95-147
Author(s):  
Rachael Diprose

This paper examines the empirical evidence on social cohesion and perceived horizontal inequalities in two neighbouring districts in Central Sulawesi, Indonesia. Despite having similar sized groups (religiously polarised, ethnically fragmented) and the opportunity to mobilise during the national political transition beginning in 1998, only one of the districts had serious violence. First, the evidence suggests that such violence was linked to perceived horizontal inequalities in terms of access to the state, particularly in terms of religious identity in the district affected by con?ict. In the same district, there was also evidence of weaker social cohesion: there were more pervasive negative stereotypes of other groups along religious lines, and the least inter-religious mixing in terms of everyday interaction and friendships. These attitudes and less frequent mixing were more likely, too, among the group that was initially marginalised from the state when power-sharing arrangements broke down. Meanwhile, in the district with less violence, there was more frequent inter-religious group mixing overall but particularly on the part of the group that did not dominate the state. That is, frequent inter-religious group mixing and the absence of negative attitudes on the part of this group towards others may have signalled that it was not a viable group to be mobilised for political gain. Instead, in this more peaceful district, ethnic identity was the more salient form of political capital, but demographically the district is ethnically fragmented. Inter-ethnic rather than religious mixing was less frequent in this district, but it was worst among the dominant political group along religious and ethnic lines. Yet, the negative attitudes and stronger in-group (rather than out-group) bonds between members of the dominant political group did not translate into violent con?ict because there were minimal challenges to their power during the transition. Finally, the evidence suggests that the associational membership of mixedethnic or religious organisations is less likely to explain violence prevention, given that membership of such organisations was greater in the con?ict-affected district. The evidence overall suggests that demographic divides are not always an indicator of political divides and the propensity for con?ict, but rather this is related to the politics of exclusion. Furthermore, it indicates that to some extent increased crossgroup contact can act as an indirect con?ict intervention mechanism.


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 15-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luís Filipe F. R. Thomaz

Abstract This article sets out to explore the socio-linguistic situation of Goa, a small territory corresponding to the former district of Goa of the Portuguese Estado da Índia, occupied and annexed by India in 1961. Goa had to choose between local language, Konkani, and the language of the neighbouring state of Maharashtra, i. e., Marathi, which was traditionally used as a cultural language by the Hindus of Goa, who nowadays form the large majority of the population. Even if virtually every Goan is able to speak Konkani, this was, according to recent statistics, the mother tongue of only 61 % of the population of the state, the rest being forms by people from other parts of India, who migrated here. This phenomenon explains the feeble proportion of Konkani speakers in the total population of the state, which favours the resort to English as a means of communication and explains why Konkani only keeps an elevated status in churches, where it is currently used for praying and preaching. Drawing upon historical facts, but also on socio-linguistic consideration, we will try to explain this paradox.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 168-182 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dmitry G. Desyaev ◽  
Irina G. Napalkova

Introduction. The formation of the territorial image of the region popularize and present the territory in a positive light. The conditions available in the Republic of Mordovia for creating a successful image, especially historical-cultural and natural zones, allow creating a recognizable and attractive image of the Republic not only for the residents of Russia, but also abroad. primarily in the countries of the Finno-Ugric world, with which -cultural factor for interaction and cooperation. Building the image to a large extent is based on the historical aspect of the image background, which is inseparable from the rich Finno-Ugric culture and geographical diversity of the territory, while historical and cultural objects contribute to creating the attractive image of the region. History plays a fundamental role in creating a recognizable image, without it, it is impossible to build a meaningful view of the republic. Materials and Methods. The main research approaches were the historical-evolutionary method, the hermeneutic and axiological paradigms, the systems approach, and the elements of the theory of dependence on previous development. Among the applied methods the authors used a focus-group study, a case study, and an expert survey. The materials of the survey «Republic of Mordovia: problems and prospects for the formation of the image of the region» were employed. Results and Discussion. Mordovia has a long history, when Mordovian territorial units joined vast family of peoples living in Russia. The attainment of statehood by Mordovia in the 20th century was a significant step in preserving the distinctive culture and eventful memory of the region. Rich tourist and recreational potential, geographical location, natural resources, natural and water objects protected by the state, myths and legends, important historical events, preserved cultural and historical objects, folk traditions and customs have not lost their originality and can be a significant basis for the formation and promotion of a positive image of the Republic of Mordovia and can help to level existing negative stereotypes about the region as “territories of prisons and camps”, “provinces with a low standard of living, culture and education”, etc. Conclusion. The existing image background of Mordovia can become the basis of a unique positive image of the region, turning it into a well-known and popular brand. Adequate building of a regional image by each of the subjects of Russia, in turn, will help create a positive view of the state itself in the international arena.


Author(s):  
Feisal G. Mohamed

A modern politics attaching itself to the state must adopt a position sovereignty, by which is meant the political settlement in which potestas and auctoritas are aligned. Three competing forms are identified: unitary sovereignty, divided and balanced sovereignty, and the view that sovereign power must be limited by universal principles. Each of these forms can be divided into “red” and “black” varieties, depending on the imagined relationship between sovereign power and modern conditions of flux. A chapter outline introduces the figures who will be explored in the book as a whole: Thomas Hobbes; William Fiennes, Lord Saye and Sele; John Barclay and the romance writers of the 1650s whom he influences; John Milton; and Andrew Marvell. Also described is the book’s sustained engagement of Carl Schmitt, and the ways in which his thought on sovereignty is an example of the competition amongst the concept’s three competing forms.


2017 ◽  
Vol 62 (3) ◽  
pp. 391-399 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alfredo Arceo

The identity of the universities is one more piece to consider inside the puzzle of the grassroots public diplomacy. University social responsibility is not well exploited on university websites. This is the main conclusion we have reached following a comparative study of the websites of the universities of the Autonomous Region of Madrid (Spain) and those of the universities of the State of Puebla, including public, private, and Catholic Church institutions. All the universities of the Madrid region and 92.5% of those consulted in the State of Puebla have a website, but none of them gives an explicit reference on its homepage that operations are performed within all occupational aspects in accordance with the realm of university social responsibility. It would therefore be fair to say that there is no evidence of optimal exploitation of university social responsibility on the websites. When this must be considered as one element that it is necessary to include in the communicative frame of reference to obtain mutual understanding, stable, and beneficial relations for all the parts.


Author(s):  
Geoffrey Lugano

This chapter provides an overview of the relationship between civil society and the Kenyan state. It unveils two contradictory trends: civil society’s opposition to, and co-optation by/cooperation with, the state. The chapter argues that these tendencies are contingent on organizational positionality within the prevailing political settlement, which constitutes state authority. The trends further affirm the centrality of civil society in Kenya’s political settlements, and associated reflections of key societal divisions along ethnic and political lines that in turn help to shape organizational relations with the state and broader society. Overall, the checkered relationship between state and civil society supports both popular perceptions of the latter’s contributions to democratization, as well as concerns regarding its transformative potential.


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