A global New Deal

2021 ◽  
pp. 109-131
Author(s):  
Jens Steffek

This chapter shows how technocratic internationalism survived the crisis of world order utopias in the 1940s and gained influence on the negotiation of the post-war order. The first section discusses the critique of modern rationalism in the war and post-war years. In the field of international thought, that critique came in the guise of a ‘realist’ backlash against the ‘idealism’ of the interwar period. The second section documents the enduring prominence of technocratic ideas during the Second World War. David Mitrany re-proposed his functional approach in his Working Peace System, a pamphlet that addressed policy-makers rather than academics. Regardless, this wartime version of Mitrany’s functionalism became the point of reference for subsequent generations of scholars. Technocratic thought gained political influence when American policy-makers projected the New Deal and its institutions onto the international plane in the founding of the United Nations system. The final section studies the co-existence of realist and technocratic figures of thought. Realist Hans J. Morgenthau came to advocate international cooperation in the field of low politics, but also multilateral control over nuclear technology. In doing so, he drew directly on Mitrany’s functionalism. E. H. Carr, the eminent British critic of utopianism, in the 1940s suggested a technocratic European planning authority and a bank of Europe to unite the continent.

Author(s):  
David Brydan

Liberal international health organizations such as the Rockefeller Foundation and the World Health Organization (WHO) played an important role in Spain’s post-war search for legitimacy, and social experts served as a vanguard for Spain’s integration into the United Nations system. The idea of international health as a technical, apolitical field was particularly important in enabling the Franco regime to overcome its outsider status. At the height of Spain’s diplomatic isolation after 1945, a fierce battle raged at the WHO over the question of Spanish membership, which saw it excluded from the new organization. But the WHO was one of the first international bodies Spain was admitted to in the 1950s, paving the way to full United Nations membership. Spain’s rapid integration into the WHO reflected the success of the Franco regime in exploiting the ‘technical’ and ‘apolitical’ language of international health to overcome international political opposition.


Author(s):  
Kiran Klaus Patel

This chapter assesses the medium- and long-term effects of the New Deal through 1945 and beyond. Seen from this perspective, discontinuities leap to the eye. With World War II, American society lost the markedly civilian nature that had characterized it during most of the interwar years. The concept of security, so central during the early Roosevelt administration, acquired a fundamentally different meaning, shifting from domestic welfare to international warfare. But there were significant continuities. Many features of the New Deal lived on or hibernated during the war. The global conflict even saved and strengthened many existing programs that peace might have seen canceled or shelved. State attempts at social control over the body loomed large. The military, government, and other institutions worked to overcome the crisis of masculinity of the 1930s and create a hypermasculinized ideal, reflecting the country's rising status as a world power.


1994 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 32-33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeffrey Braithwaite ◽  
Johanna Westbrook

President Bill Clinton is currently proposing the most sweeping changes to American social policy since the New Deal by Roosevelt in the 1930s. Major concerns about escalating health care costs, a mushrooming health care bureaucracy and a growing proportion of the American population who can no longer afford adequate health care insurance coverage have motivated Clinton's plan for health care reform. Ideas about telemedicine, the electronic medical record and more comprehensive and advanced information systems are already being canvassed during the course of the debate. Australian clinicians and policy makers are following the American debate closely. So too, should health information managers. America watching should prove interesting, stimulating and professionally rewarding.


2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-59
Author(s):  
Benjamin Tromly

AbstractThis article examines the post-war activities of the National Labor Alliance (NTS), a far-right Russian exile organisation whose members had served in German intelligence and propaganda structures during the Second World War. Using declassified CIA documents and previously untapped sources pertaining to NTS, it analyses the transformation of a semi-fascistic, collaborationist and anti-Semitic organisation into a Cold War asset of the CIA. The NTS played a role in shaping its association with US power by applying deceptive political strategies it had adopted during the interwar period and the Second World War to the new geopolitical context of divided Europe.


1968 ◽  
Vol 62 (2) ◽  
pp. 494-517 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael J. Shapiro

Much of the business of the U.S. Congress in the post war period has involved issues concerning the size and scope of activities of the federal government. The legislation in this area can be traced, for the most part, to measures which originated during the period of the New Deal in response to the Great Depression and to measures enacted during World War II to meet the short-run exigencies attendant to rapid economic and social mobilization. From the point of view of the expansion of the federal role, the Eisenhower years are of some moment. While they marked a lull in the expansionist trend witnessed under the Democratic presidencies of Roosevelt and Truman, their significance lies in the fact that despite the change in adminsitrations, there was no reversal of the policies begun during the Roosevelt years. While most of the Republican legislators were on record in opposition to the expansion of the federal role, the failure of the Republican Party to introduce and enact legislation to reverse the trend of federal expansion resulted in a new plateau of federal activity from which the congressional dialogue was to proceed during the Kennedy and Johnson Administrations.While the 87th Congress, meeting during Kennedy's first two years in the White House, did not enact the quantity of legislation expanding the federal role that Kennedy had called for in his inaugural, In the 88th Congress both parties supported a larger federal role to a greater extent than they had previously. In fact the first sessions of the 88th Congress as it bears on the federal role has been summed up as follows: “At no time did the majority of both parties reject a larger federal role.” (Congressional Quarterly Almanac, 1963, p. 724) With two exceptions, the statement holds true for the second session in 1964.


Author(s):  
Alessandro Fonti

Abstract: From a letter dated 1913 to W. Ritter in which he described the “erotic obsession” which had caused him to depict the statue of the Sleeping Ariadne in the gardens of Versailles as a scantily-clad odalisque in the painting entitled La Versailles du Grand Turc, up to his last graphic project of 1964 entitled “Nassaince du Minotaure II”, the “private mythology” of Le Corbusier’s works was dominated by Minoan-Cretan mythology, to the point that the bull symbol became the unifying principle of his entire pictorial, plastic and architectural work. Dozens of Le Corbusier’s architectural projects include the theme of the labyrinth. The “main ouverte” and Ariadne - la Licorne were intended to “join up” from afar Chandigarh with the Bhakra dam. For the dam Le Corbusier designed architectural elements and he planned to install a copy of the “Ariadne” sculpture, similar in size to the “open hand” at Chandigarh. The Chandigarh-Bhakra complex – the planned city and the hydroelectric infrastructure – was the realization of the global post-war reconstruction plan, an approach devised by Le Corbusier together with the UN’s CIAM, based on the model of the TVA, the New-Deal Federal Agency, which had planned the development of the most backward area in the States starting from hydropower generation. The story is encrypted on the back of the tabernacle at Ronchamp. Resumen: De una carta de fecha 1913 a W. Ritter en el que describía la "obsesión erótica", que le había hecho representar la imagen de la Ariadna dormiente en los jardines de Versalles como una odalisca desnuda en el cuadro titulado La Versalles du Grand Turc, hasta su último proyecto gráfico de 1964 titulado "Nassaince du Minotaure II", la "mitología privada" de las obras de Le Corbusier fue dominado por la mitología minoico-cretense, hasta el punto de que el símbolo del toro se convirtió en el principio unificador de toda su obra pictórica, plástica y arquitectónica. Decenas de proyectos de arquitectura de Le Corbusier incluyen el tema del laberinto. La “main ouverte” y Ariadna - la Licorne estaban destinadas a unirse de lejos Chandigarh con la presa de Bhakra. Para la presa Le Corbusier diseñó elementos arquitectónicos y que planeaba instalar una copia de la escultura "Ariadna", similar en tamaño a la "mano abierta" en Chandigarh. El complejo de ChandigarhBhakra - la ciudad planificada y la infraestructura hidroeléctrica - fue la realización del plan mundial de la reconstrucció posguerra, un enfoque ideado por Le Corbusier, junto con el CIAM de la ONU, basado en el modelo de la TVA, el New-Deal Agencia Federal, que había planeado el desarrollo de la zona más atrasada de los Estados Unidos a partir de la generación de energía hidroeléctrica. La historia está cifrada en la parte posterior del tabernáculo en Ronchamp.  Keywords: Minoan-Cretan mythology; Ariadne; Taureaux; hydropower; Chandigarh; Ronchamp. Palabras clave: Mitología minoico-cretense; Ariadna; Taureaux; energía hidroeléctrica; Chandigarh; Ronchamp. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/LC2015.2015.957


2021 ◽  
pp. 002085232110387 ◽  
Author(s):  
Svanhildur Thorvaldsdottir ◽  
Ronny Patz ◽  
Steffen Eckhard

Built on the administrative system of the League of Nations, since the Second World War, the United Nations has grown into a sizeable, complex and multilevel system of several dozen international bureaucracies. Outside of a brief period in the 1980s, and despite growing scholarship on international public administrations over the past two decades, there have been few publications in the International Review of Administrative Sciences on the evolution of the United Nations system and its many public administrations. The special issue ‘International Bureaucracy and the United Nations System’ aims to encourage renewed scholarly focus on this global level of public administration. This introduction makes the case for why studying the United Nations’ bureaucracies matters from a public administration perspective, takes stock of key literature and discusses how the seven articles contribute to key substantive and methodological advancements in studying the administrations of the United Nations system.


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 275-298
Author(s):  
Putnam Barber

AbstractDuring the first half of the 20th century, many of the techniques of modern fundraising were developed. During these decades, fundraising demonstrated its potential for supporting important community goals, financing efforts to combat dread diseases, and initiating change in public policies. In this same span of years, community leaders, journalists, and policy makers became increasingly concerned with growing opportunities for inefficient or even downright dishonest fundraising. Local governments, federated fundraising organizers, and nonprofit charity ratings agencies attempted to forestall abuses of the public’s generosity. Further, during the Second World War, the federal government imposed significant controls on fundraising for war-related activities. The year 1954 saw the passage of new laws in two states that anticipated the most common form of charitable solicitations regulation in the second half of the century, a form that is widespread today. This paper traces developments from the end of the 19th century to show how the ground was prepared for post-war efforts by state governments to regulate charitable fundraising.


2012 ◽  
Vol 66 (4) ◽  
pp. 512-534 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nelson Lichtenstein

This essay argues that the American trade union movement constitutes a social democratic bloc within the U.S. body politic, episodically successful in broadening the welfare state, expanding citizenship rights, and defending the standard of living of working class Americans, including those unlikely to be found on the union membership roll. But such political influence, which has also helped make organized labour a backbone of Democratic Party electoral mobilization, has rarely been of usefulness when the unions sought to enhance their own institutional vibrancy, their own capacity to organize new members. When demands of this sort are put forward, Republican presidents and politicians denounce them outright, while most Democrats, including virtually every postwar president from that party, see such legislation as but the product of an unpopular interest group and thus safely devalued and ignored.American unions have almost always failed to win legislation advancing their institutional strength and political legitimacy. To understand why, this essay explores the three distinct regimes which have governed trade union “bargaining,” with employers, with the Democrats, and with the state, during the era since the New Deal. They are the era of the New Deal itself (1933-1947) during which a corporatist politicialization of all wage, price and production issues achieved some purchase; the years of classic industrial pluralism and collective bargaining (1947-1980), in which industrial relations was reprivatized to a large extent; and finally, our current moment (1980s forward) in which the labour movement exists and holds the possibility of growth largely in government and the service sector. A highly politicized form of tripartite bargaining, between companies, unions, and government (mainly state and local), has provided the chief avenue for raising the social wage and building nodes of trade union influence in key government-dependent sectors of the economy. With the arrival of the Obama era, this third system is becoming the only game in town, although this appears to be falling far short of labourite expectations.


Author(s):  
Mariko Tatsuki

This chapter focuses on the Japanese shipping industry in the interwar years between the First and Second World Wars. It follows Japanese developments such as the expansion into Australian and New Zealand routes; the dominance of British shipowners over latitudinal routes and the subsequent response from rival nations in commoditizing longitudinal routes; the dominance of Nippon Yusen Kaisha over conference systems and other Japanese shipping companies; and the post-war utilisation of large diesel-powered ships for trade routes.


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