scholarly journals How Our Minds Are Made Up

2021 ◽  
pp. 59-86
Author(s):  
Neil Levy

This chapter argues that epistemic dependence is a routine and rational part of ordinary life. It focuses on implicit deference, in particular deferring to others to learn what we should, or even already do, believe. Using the example of “never Trumpers”—Republicans who abjured Donald Trump but often came to embrace him—it argues that our belief representations are surprisingly fragile, because we rely on others and on the world to tell us what we believe. In this light, it argues, we should be less concerned than is sometimes thought by ordinary people’s ignorance about important questions: what matters is not whether they know, but whether they know how to find out.

Author(s):  
Kazuhiro Ando

Although Japan is the second largest music market in the world, the structure and practices of the music industry are little understood internationally. People overseas need to know how the music business works in Japan so that they can conduct business comfortably. The Japanese music industry has unique features in some respects. First, Japanese record labels remain heavily dependent on traditional physically packaged music although its profitability is much lower than that of digital distribution. Second, full-scale competition in the music copyright management business has just begun. While JASRAC monopolized this market for more than sixty years, the new entrant, NexTone has gradually increased the market share thanks to the frustration experienced by many music publishers and songwriters in their dealings with JASRAC. Third, the relationship between artists and artist management companies is more like an employer-employee relationship than a client-agent relationship. Artist management companies are fully invested in discovering, nurturing, and marketing young artists just the way big businesses handle their recruits. This chapter illuminates practices of the Japanese music industry for an international audience.


2021 ◽  
pp. 146144482110164
Author(s):  
Adriana de Souza e Silva ◽  
Ragan Glover-Rijkse ◽  
Anne Njathi ◽  
Daniela de Cunto Bueno

Pokémon Go is the most popular location-based game worldwide. As a location-based game, Pokémon Go’s gameplay is connected to networked urban mobility. However, urban mobility differs significantly around the world. Large metropoles in South America and Africa, for example, experience ingrained social, cultural, and economic inequalities. With this in mind, we interviewed Pokémon Go players in two Global South cities, Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) and Nairobi (Kenya), to understand how players navigate urban spaces not only based on gameplay but with broader concerns for safety. Our findings reveal that players negotiate their urban mobilities based on perceptions of risk and safety, choosing how to move around and avoiding areas known for violence and theft. These findings are relevant for understanding the social and political aspects of networked urban spaces as well as for investigating games as venues through which we can understand ordinary life, racial, gender, and socioeconomic inequalities.


2021 ◽  
pp. 095394682110313
Author(s):  
Nancy J. Duff

This article argues that an apocalyptic interpretation of divine revelation provides the theological foundation for discerning the appropriate space for human life to thrive. This apocalyptic theological ethic is contrasted with that of end-time Christians who have supported Donald Trump as God’s chosen one and who joined the storming of the US Capitol on 6 January 2021. It contrasts five features of apocalyptic thinking for both groups: (1) expectation of the end of the world, (2) ethics, (3) Christ, nation, and the first commandment (4) Christians and Jews, and (5) the cross. While the article seeks to give a fair description of the beliefs of end-time Christians, it argues that their beliefs have taken a heretical and dangerous turn.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. 281-281
Author(s):  
Melissa OConnor ◽  
Megan Pedersen ◽  
Rachel Grace

Abstract Recent studies on attitudes toward dementia in the United States, such as the World Alzheimer Report 2019, have found that fear and stigma are still widespread among the general public. This may be particularly true in rural communities. In the current study, community-dwelling adults in small Midwestern communities responded to the open-ended survey question, “What do you think could be done to make your community more welcoming for people with Alzheimer’s disease and other forms of dementia?” Participants (N=242) ranged in age from 18-88 (M=40, SD=21). The sample was 68% female, and 61% lived in communities of 50,000-150,000 people, while 39% lived in smaller towns. Most participants (61.2%) did not personally know someone with dementia. Data were collected via paper and telephone surveys. Responses to the open-ended question were analyzed using open, axial, and selective coding. The following themes emerged: greater exposure to individuals with dementia; educational workshops about dementia; more intergenerational programs; greater accessibility of respite care and other services; more fundraising efforts; and community leaders talking about dementia. Responses included, “Have more intergenerational programs that bring together Alzheimer’s patients and children in a positive environment.” “When I was in school, we visited an Alzheimer’s unit. That was a great experience.” “I know what it is, but I don’t know anything else. I wish I was more informed. I don’t know how to help.” These findings indicate that residents of rural communities are motivated to help individuals with dementia, but need more guidance, education, and personal connections/exposure.


Foods ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 282
Author(s):  
Juan Fernández-Peláez ◽  
Priscila Guerra ◽  
Cristina Gallego ◽  
Manuel Gomez

One third of the food produced in the world is wasted. Bread is one of the most wasted foods both during the distribution process and in households. To use these breads, it is necessary to get to know the properties of the flours that can be obtained from them. The purpose of this work is to know how the type of bread and its zone (crumb or crust) influence the characteristics of the flours obtained from the wasted bread. For this, flours made from the crumbs and crusts of eight different breads have been analysed. Their hydration properties, cold and post-heating rheology and gelling properties as well as the colour of flours and gels have been studied. Bread flours present higher water-holding capacity (WHC) and water-binding capacity (WBC) values and higher elastic modulus (G’) and viscous modulus (G”) values, both in cold conditions and after heating, than wheat flours. However, they generate weaker gels. Crust flours, and the gels obtained from them, are darker than those from crumbs and their gels. In terms of hydration and rheology, pan and wholemeal bread flours are generally lower than other bread flours. These flours also generate softer gels, possibly caused by the dilution of starch with other components. It can be concluded that the properties shown by wasted bread flours allow them to be reintroduced in the food chain as an ingredient in different products.


2021 ◽  
Vol 97 (2) ◽  
pp. 345-363
Author(s):  
Feliciano De Sá Guimarães ◽  
Irma Dutra De Oliveira E Silva

Abstract In the last two decades, far-right populists have formed governments all over the world. However, systematic analyses on how far-right leaders recreate their countries' foreign policy identity are still underdeveloped. In this article, we analyse how far-right populist leaders use their conservative identity-set to align with other right-wing governments and how they use the same conservative repertoire to deal with ideological rivals. More precisely, we argue that these leaders tend to overemphasize a deep conservative identity-set towards other far-right populist governments, something we call ‘thick conservative identity’. This profoundly conservative identity-set is composed of three national role conceptions: anti-globalism, nationalism and anti-foe. However, they do not repeat this identity-set towards ideological rivals, preferring to use a more nuanced and contradictory one, something we call ‘thin conservative identity’. The trigger of such difference is the anticipated mutual expectation of conservatism between Ego and Alter, in which Ego mimics Alter's deep conservatism. We use Jair Bolsonaro's alignment with Donald Trump and Bolsonaro's relationship with China as illustrative cases. We use the main concepts of role theory to understand both how conservative alignments are created and how far-right governments deal with ideological rivals.


2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-41 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amanda Elizabeth Vickery

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explore how African-American women, both individually and collectively, were subjected to both racism and sexism when participating within civil rights organizations. Design/methodology/approach Because of the intersection of their identities as both African and American women, their experiences participating and organizing within multiple movements were shaped by racism and patriarchy that left them outside of the realm of leadership. Findings A discussion on the importance of teaching social studies through an intersectional lens that personifies individuals and communities traditionally silenced within the social studies curriculum follows. Originality/value The aim is to teach students to adopt a more inclusive and complex view of the world.


In attempting to present some observations on the kind of information on the Earth’s resources which may be obtained from spacecraft and space satellites, I think I should explain that I speak as a geographer with research interests in the field of biogeography/geobotany where I have been concerned with the use of vegetation in mineral exploration work and in the assessment of land potential for agricultural and other uses. In the course of this work I have come to appreciate major problems of regional or even continental dimensions and have become aware of the great potential offered by suitably equipped Earth resources satellites for providing information which would assist their solution. At the same time I have come to recognize the great contribution which Earth resources satellites can make in the fields of agriculture, forestry and conservation, topographical and geological mapping, hydrology, oceanography, land use and urban planning, to mention but a few. As a setting for my subsequent remarks I would like to state what I believe to be the relative positions of the U. S. A. and the U. S. S. R. on the one hand and this country and certain West European countries on the other with regard to the acquisition of information from Earth resources satellites. America and Russia have led the world in space research. They have the resources, the facilities and the technical know-how for placing spacecraft and satellites in orbit. For the effective development of Earth resources satellites, however, ground control information is essential. Here this country, together with member and former member countries of the Commonwealth possesses a body of people scattered through universities, government departments and organizations, commerce and industry whose firsthand knowledge of remote terrain in many parts of the world is unrivalled. This knowledge harnessed into an Earth resources satellites programme could enable this country to make a leading contribution to the development of the less developed parts of the world and at the same time materially assist the economy of this country.


Author(s):  
M. Share

On April 30 the United States and the World marked the 100th day in office of Donald Trump as President of the United States. The first 100 days are considered as a key indicator of the fortunes for a new President’s program. This article briefly reviews the 2016 campaign and election, the 11 week transition period, his first 100 days, a brief examination of both American-Russian relations and Sino-American relations, and lastly, what the future bodes for each under a Trump Presidency. The 100 Day period has been chaotic, shifting, and at times incoherent. He has made 180 degree shifts toward many major issues, including Russia and China, which has only confused numerous world leaders, including Presidents Putin and Xi. There has been a definite disconnection between what Trump says about Russia, and what his advisors and cabinet officials say. So far Trump has conducted a highly personalized and transactional foreign policy. All is up for negotiation at this a huge turning point in American foreign policy, the greatest one since 1945. Given all the world’s instabilities today, a rapprochement between the United States and Russia is a truly worthwhile objective, and should be strongly pursued.


Author(s):  
N. Gegelashvili ◽  
◽  
I. Modnikova ◽  

The article analyzes the US policy towards Ukraine dating back from the time before the reunification of Crimea with Russia and up to Donald Trump coming to power. The spectrum of Washington’s interests towards this country being of particular strategic interest to the United States are disclosed. It should be noted that since the disintegration of the Soviet Union Washington’s interest in this country on the whole has not been very much different from its stand on all post-Soviet states whose significance was defined by the U,S depending on their location on the world map as well as on the value of their natural resources. However, after the reunification of Crimea with Russia Washington’s stand on this country underwent significant changes, causing a radical transformation of the U,S attitude in their Ukrainian policy. During the presidency of Barack Obama the American policy towards Ukraine was carried out rather sluggishly being basically declarative in its nature. When President D. Trump took his office Washington’s policy towards Ukraine became increasingly more offensive and was characterized by a rather proactive stance not only because Ukraine became the principal arena of confrontation between the United States and the Russian Federation, but also because it became a part of the US domestic political context. Therefore, an outcome of the “battle” for Ukraine is currently very important for the United States in order to prove to the world its role of the main helmsman in the context of a diminishing US capability of maintaining their global superiority.


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