Core–Periphery Relations and European Integration

2021 ◽  
pp. 132-146
Author(s):  
Brigid Laffan

Core–periphery relations have always played an important role within nation-states, across regions and at the global level. Given the significance of core–periphery dynamics to state building, we would expect patterns of economic convergence and divergence to matter in the process of European integration. This chapter traces how the EU addressed its treaty commitment to ‘harmonious development’ as it deepened and widened following the original aim of the Treaty of Rome. We identify a series of significant phases in the EU’s response to core–periphery relations. A key argument is that every major development in the EU, with the exception of the euro, was accompanied by policy provisions designed to alleviate divergence.

2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. I-V
Author(s):  
Francisco Pereira Coutinho ◽  
Martinho Lucas Pires

Abstract In 2017 we celebrated the 60th anniversary of the Treaty of Rome and the 25th anniversary of the Treaty of Maastricht. The commemoration of these historic events was the perfect excuse for a critical and renewed discussion of European integration. It was also an opportunity for discussing the EU through the lens of “federalism”, i.e. to look at it from the perspective of federal theory and / or through its substantive and formal dimension. This issue of Perspectives on Federalism includes papers presented in conferences organized at Warsaw University in June 2016 and at Lisbon Nova Law School on May 2017 under the Jean Monnet Project “More EU - More Europe to Overcome the Crisis”. The articles discuss, either from a more general or from a more specific standpoint, within a variety of subjects, some of the federal features of the EU.


2017 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 519-531 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chih-Mei Luo

On the eve of 60th anniversary of the Treaty of Rome, the UK voted to withdraw from the EU (so-called Brexit). The implications for European integration and EU policies are far from clear and require further investigation. This paper aims to answer: what does Brexit imply for European integration? What messages were sent to the EU from the UK referendum? Did EU leaders interpret these messages and implications correctly and did they respond with the right policy? After examining the competing interpretations, this paper argues that the sharp divisions between different socio-economic classes shown in voting behaviour highlight the imperative of addressing economic inequality and distributive injustice, which are rooted in the structural flaws of EU governance and have been aggravated by the mismanagement of the Euro crisis. To move European integration forward and to keep a ‘political Europe’ sustainable, a ‘social Europe’ making an ‘economic Europe’ more inclusive and fair is required.


Author(s):  
Sofia Vasilopoulou

This chapter examines the role that the European Union (EU) issue plays in radical right party agendas. It shows that, despite the fact that radical right parties tend to adopt dissimilar positions on the principle, practice, and future of European integration, they all tend to criticize the EU from a predominantly sovereignty-based perspective justified on ethnocultural grounds. The EU is portrayed as posing a threat to national sovereignty, its policies dismantling the state and its territory, as well as being responsible for the cultural disintegration of Europe and its nation-states. The analysis of EU issue positions and salience over time suggests that—despite variations—radical right parties engage in EU issue competition not only by adopting extreme positions but also by increasingly emphasizing these positions over time.


2013 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-137 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert A. Parkin

While it can claim some historical depth, essentially Lubuskie is a new province in western Poland that emerged from the local government reforms of 1999. It is thus located in a part of the country taken over by Poland from Germany in 1945, which as a consequence experienced a complete replacement of populations (Polish for German) at that time. This makes the province a useful case in which to study the emergence of a new identity over time. At present its identity is not as strong as in the case of its neighbours like Silesia and Wielkopolska, though it is being cultivated where possible by some local bureaucrats and politicians. It is argued that it is nonetheless justified to study such cases in order to determine and account for differences in the strength of regional identities in the same nationstate. The wider framework is regional identities within Europe as part of the process of European integration and its articulation with nation-states in the EU.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 157-164
Author(s):  
Łukasz D. Wróblewski

AbstractThe European Union has been a rare feat achieved by the continent’s societies. Today, almost 15 years since its biggest enlargement and 10 years since the signing of the Treaty of Lisbon, Europe is facing unprecedented challenges, both globally and internally. It long seemed that the way to take on the challenges of the changing world was through united diversity—a stance that is no longer a given. Adopted on the 60th anniversary of the Treaty of Rome, the Rome Declaration was supposed to address the greatest challenges lying ahead of the EU and its member states.Based on an analysis of the Rome Declaration in the light of the Treaty of Lisbon, this paper outlines the biggest threats and possible scenarios of the European integration process. The ruminations below indicate that the declaration signed by the leaders of the 27 member states by and large successfully determined the key problems of European integration. However, contrary to the appearances, it fails to address them in substance. The overriding research method adopted in this study was a critical analysis of the subject literature, as well as EU studies and documents.


Author(s):  
Nicola Kountouris ◽  
Alexandros Tsadiras

Labour law and social policy are sometimes perceived as somewhat peripheral areas of the European integration project, areas that do ‘not enjoy the same status as the economic strand of internal market law’. Armstrong, elaborating on the scholarship of Scharpf, and Joerges and Rödl, recalls that the original constitutional ‘social deficit’ ‘was not … a design flaw as such but rather an understanding of the relative roles of the EU and nation states’. As argued by Giubboni, in the eyes of its founders, the EU/EEC was to have been primarily tasked with the (liberal) economic and market integration of the participating states, so as to increase their overall economic prosperity and endow the national welfare states with the resources necessary to perform their key redistributive tasks. Almost without fail, specialist textbooks recall the paucity and lack of enforceability of the social policy provisions contained in the Treaty of Rome, often noting that ‘the first steps to European Labour’ occurred ‘in spite of the Treaty’, that is to say in the absence of clear law-making powers, that only started emerging with the Treaty of Maastricht and, more markedly, with the Treaty of Amsterdam. To this day, political scientists add to this,


Author(s):  
Gaëlle Marti

Este trabajo tiene como objetivo analizar el uso del concepto de «poder constituyente» en el contexto de la integración europea. La tesis es que el poder constituyente es el «olvidado» de la integración europea, ya que este ordenamiento jurídico se construyó y adquirió una dimensión política y constitucional sin ninguna acción atribuible a un demos europeo. De hecho, es bajo la acción combinada de los Estados miembros (como «señores de los Tratados») y de las instituciones europeas (especialmente el Tribunal Europeo de Justicia) que el proceso de «constitutionnalization» se ha desarrollado endógena. Por lo general, se sostiene que la falta de «poder constituyente», ilustra el hecho de que la UE aún no ha cruzado el «umbral de estado», ya que este concepto se formó históricamente en el marco del Estado-nación. Sin embargo, creemos que el desalojo del concepto de poder constituyente no es una necesidad teórica, sino que es fruto de una decisión política, debido al temor de que la adopción de una Constitución europea por un pueblo europeo pudiera dar lugar a la desaparición de los estados. Sin embargo, creemos que no hay necesidad conceptual de limitar el concepto de poder constituyente en el ámbito estatal. En otras palabras, se supone que el concepto de poder constituyente puede ser incorporada en el ámbito europeo y, por otra parte, que esta perspectiva podría ser esencial en la vista de la reducción de la «déficit democrático» de la Unión Europea. El modelo de la «Federación de Estados» se podría utilizar para esbozar un poder constituyente europeo respetuoso de la existencia de la nación-estado.This paper aims at analyzing the use of the concept of «constituent power» in the context of European integration. The thesis is that the constituent power is the «forgotten» of European integration, since this legal order was built and acquired a political and constitutional dimension without any action attributable to an European demos. Indeed, it is under the combined action of the member States (as «masters of the Treaties») and of European institutions (especially the European Court of justice) that the process of «constitutionnalization» has developed itself endogenously. It is generally argued that the lack of «constituent power» illustrates the fact that the EU has not yet crossed the «state threshold», since this concept was historically shaped within the nation-state framework. However, we believe that the eviction of the concept of constituent power is not a theoretical necessity but that it stems from a political choice, due to the fear that the adoption of a European constitution by a European people could result in the disappearance of the states. However, we think that there is no conceptual need to limit the concept of constituent power to the state field. In other words, we assume that the concept of constituent power could be transposed into the European field and, moreover, that this prospect could be essential in the view of bridging the «democratic deficit» of the European Union. The model of the «Federation of States» could be used to sketch a European constituent power respectful of the existence of the nation-states.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 80
Author(s):  
Oleg Kuklin ◽  
Mykhailo Kryvoruchko

Relevance. The problem of interregional convergence within EU-countries has been of great interest among scholars. Such an interest is explained by the fact that joining the European Union may cause deepening interregional disparities among EU-members. As a result, there is a need to develop a model of interregional convergence in socio-economic development that would help countries to face the challenges of regional development during the process of European integration. The multidimensional nature of issues relating to interregional disparities implies the usage of an institutional approach that allows an analysis combining economic and non-economic factors. The purpose of this paper is to develop an interdisciplinary methodological approach to the analysis of interregional socio-economic convergence in the context of European integration from the institutional perspective. Methodological basis. Valuable and very interesting studies along this research line have been undertaken by a number of scholars who have used different methodological approaches that include neoclassical analysis, “core-periphery” theory, institutionalism, “resource abundance curse” phenomenon. The outcomes of their studies serve as a solid ground for in-depth research on interregional convergence that allows analysing this phenomenon from different perspectives. However, the issues regarding the regional dimension of institutional influence on the socio-economic development in the context of European integration have not been thoroughly covered in the economic studies. Results. Based on analysis of theoretical and empirical studies in the areas of interregional disparities and institutional economics, the interdisciplinary methodological approach has been developed, which implies reaching the following objectives: 1) to analyse interregional disparities in EU-members within the framework of neo-classical growth theory, 2) to examine regional dynamics using methodology of “core-periphery” theory (“New Economic Geography”); 3) to research the presence of “resource abundance curse” phenomenon in the regional development in the EU-countries; 4) to examine the institutional dimension of interregional disparities; 5) to analyse position papers on the EU Cohesion Policy implementation to outline the institutional challenges of the latter. Therefore, the research output allows developing an interdisciplinary approach to the analysis of the institutional aspect of socio-economic convergence that combines a quantitative (empirical) and qualitative analysis.


Author(s):  
Johann P. Arnason

Different understandings of European integration, its background and present problems are represented in this book, but they share an emphasis on historical processes, geopolitical dynamics and regional diversity. The introduction surveys approaches to the question of European continuities and discontinuities, before going on to an overview of chapters. The following three contributions deal with long-term perspectives, including the question of Europe as a civilisational entity, the civilisational crisis of the twentieth century, marked by wars and totalitarian regimes, and a comparison of the European Union with the Habsburg Empire, with particular emphasis on similar crisis symptoms. The next three chapters discuss various aspects and contexts of the present crisis. Reflections on the Brexit controversy throw light on a longer history of intra-Union rivalry, enduring disputes and changing external conditions. An analysis of efforts to strengthen the EU’s legal and constitutional framework, and of resistances to them, highlights the unfinished agenda of integration. A closer look at the much-disputed Islamic presence in Europe suggests that an interdependent radicalization of Islamism and the European extreme right is a major factor in current political developments. Three concluding chapters adopt specific regional perspectives. Central and Eastern European countries, especially Poland, are following a path that leads to conflicts with dominant orientations of the EU, but this also raises questions about Europe’s future. The record of Scandinavian policies in relation to Europe exemplifies more general problems faced by peripheral regions. Finally, growing dissonances and divergences within the EU may strengthen the case for Eurasian perspectives.


2020 ◽  
pp. 102-105
Author(s):  
A. A. Prykhodko

The article analyzes the theoretical and practical aspects of the anti-corruption policy of Ukraine in the context of European integration. Considered that corruption has long been perceived in the EU as a negative phenomenon requiring systematic, strategic and concerted action of a transboundary and transnational character and, in general, a threat to the rule of law. The author concluded that Ukraine will continue to be perceived by a third world country as long as anti-corruption measures are duplicated from one strategic document to another. The anti-corruption strategy of Ukraine should be an early, strategic and systematic tool for the eradication of corruption and the formation of public justice in the context of zero tolerance for such phenomena. Now this is a set of normatively fixed declarative slogans that are consistent with international standards, but are not achievable in practical terms due to the lack of state strategic planning in advance. The new anti-corruption strategy must necessarily include a broad interpretation of all the concepts used in it, including the term “anti-corruption policy”. Taking into account the recommendations of the CIS Interparliamentary Assembly, the author’s vision of the term “anti-corruption policy” has been formed, as a set of principles, tasks, goals and principles of implementation of law-making and law-enforcement activity of public administration within the protection of human and civil rights and freedoms a state implemented by a system of methods, means and measures to combat corruption in priority areas and in accordance with anti-corruption standards and on the basis of transnational national and cross-border cooperation.


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