Global Environment and International Inequality

Author(s):  
Henry Shue

My aim is to establish that three commonsense principles of fairness, none of them dependent upon controversial philosophical theories of justice, give rise to the same conclusion about the allocation of the costs of protecting the environment. Poor states and rich states have long dealt with each other primarily upon unequal terms. The imposition of unequal terms has been relatively easy for the rich states because they have rarely needed to ask for the voluntary cooperation of the less powerful poor states. Now the rich countries have realized that their own industrial activity has been destroying the ozone in the earth’s atmosphere and has been making far and away the greatest contribution to global warming. They would like the poor states to avoid adopting the same form of industrialization by which they themselves became rich. It is increasingly clear that if poor states pursue their own economic development with the same disregard for the natural environment and the economic welfare of other states that rich states displayed in the past during their development, everyone will continue to suffer the effects of environmental destruction. Consequently, it is at least conceivable that rich states might now be willing to consider dealing cooperatively on equitable terms with poor states in a manner that gives due weight to both the economic development of poor states and the preservation of the natural environment. If we are to have any hope of pursuing equitable cooperation, we must try to arrive at a consensus about what equity means. And we need to define equity not as a vague abstraction but concretely and specifically in the context of both development of the economy in poor states and preservation of the environment everywhere. What diplomats and lawyers call equity incorporates important aspects of what ordinary people everywhere call fairness. The concept of fairness is neither Eastern nor Western, Northern nor Southern, but universal. People everywhere understand what it means to ask whether an arrangement is fair or biased toward some parties over other parties.

2009 ◽  
Vol 42 (04) ◽  
pp. 661-666 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip Keefer

Epic redistributive struggles between the rich and poor lie at the heart of prominent theories of economic development and the emergence of democracy (e.g., Boix 2003; Acemoglu and Robinson 2006). The poor pursue democracy to secure credible redistribution away from wealthy elites; elites, fearing redistribution, but also the costs of revolution, decide whether to repress these efforts or to surrender to them. These theories, and the historical examples of working classes exacting redistributive or political concessions from elites, have been interpreted as suggesting that inequality and redistributive struggles should be central features of development and democratization. Where inequality is high, democracy should be unlikely to emerge, or to emerge and be unstable. Because elites in unequal societies are unwilling to adopt institutions that encourage growth and investment (such as institutions that protect non-elites from predation by elites), incomes should be lower as well.


Author(s):  
Yue Chim Richard Wong

Why have the welfare states of the rich countries of the West, which transfer on average nearly a quarter of GDP from the rich to the poor, failed to alleviate poverty? And why has inequality widened in recent decades in these countries? The liberals in these countries—intellectuals and politicians—continue to argue for more public transfers. But if income redistribution could solve poverty, should it not have done so by now? The illusion that poverty can be solved through income redistribution is the key reason why so many rich economies have become saddled with public debt: in some countries it approaches 100% and even 200% of GDP.


2013 ◽  
Vol 18 (5) ◽  
pp. 1048-1068 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hideki Nakamura ◽  
Yoshihiko Seoka

This paper considers differential fertility and analyzes how the fertility of people caught in poverty disturbs their escape from poverty. For escape from poverty, it is necessary that the average human capital stock exceed certain thresholds before the ratio of the number of poor to rich people increases more rapidly than the human capital level of rich people. Thus, the escape depends on a race between the accumulation of human capital by the rich and the accumulation of children by the poor. A high initial ratio of the number of poor to rich people would imply persistent poverty.


Worldview ◽  
1976 ◽  
Vol 19 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 7-14 ◽  
Author(s):  
Helena Stalson

Something remarkable and of historic importance took place in New York during the first two weeks of September, 1975. At a Special Session of the United Nations the poor countries of the world, who have 70 per cent of its people and 30 per cent of its income, demanded that the rich, countries make some major changes in the international system. And the rich countries, including the United States, responded in new ways. Most reporters failed to notice how remarkable the events were, but the evidence is there.


1978 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-160
Author(s):  
Javed A. Ansari

THE United Nations Conference on Trade and Development came nto existence in 1964. Its creation was viewed with a degree of cautious enthusiasm by the Third World and with a certain amount of apprehension by the rich countries. Its performance has dampened the enthusiasm and heightened the apprehension. Its contribution to substantive changes in trade policies has not been spectacular. Whatever improvement in commodity prices and hence in the terms of trade of the poor countries that occurred in the early 1970s was attributable to fortuitous circumstances – not to a negotiated settlement between the rich and poor countries, enabling the latter to retain a larger portion of the gains from trade. Can we3 therefore3 say that UNGTAD has been ineffective? That it has failed to perform its global task? And if so, what is the cause of this failure? Is the organizational ideology unsuitable in the sense that it is not representative of the national objectives of viable coalitions among UNGTAD constituents? Or has the leadership failed to evolve a strategy which links the pursuit of specific sub-goals to the transformation of the system in accordance with the organizational ideology? This present paper attempts to look at the first question and to venture an opinion on the effectiveness of UNGTAD in the light of these findings.


Author(s):  
Ahmad Gamal

This paper is aimed at contextualizing the approach of Community Based Development as an alternative solution of communities to reduce dependency to the outer forces. It is conducted by examining a heavily urbanized area in Central Jakarta and to compare it with different scales of contexts. Kelurahan Cideng has very unique context since its urban environment has particular population composition of the dichotomic extremes: the poor and the rich as well as those involved in formal and informal employment. The study treats a national government’s policy of the integration of Posyandu, BKK and provincial initiative of PAUD as the interplay with the socio-economic context of Cideng.


2011 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
D. Asteriou ◽  
S. Karagianni ◽  
C. Siriopoulos

<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; margin: 0in 0.5in 0pt; mso-hyphenate: none;"><span style="font-family: &quot;Times New Roman&quot;,&quot;serif&quot;; mso-bidi-font-style: italic;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">Over the last five years, few issues have proven more controversial in empirical economics than the so-called convergence hypothesis.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp; </span>This paper considers the issue of convergence across Greek regions, using time series techniques.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp; </span>Our empirical results support the popular view prevailing in Greece about the existence of dualism across the Southern and Northern regions of Greece.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp; </span>A possible explanation for this may be the lack of experience that the poor countries (like Greece) have in comparison with the rich ones.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp; </span>The rich countries have the combined ability to educate themselves as they grow rich and the endogenous ability to accumulate the knowledge upon which these efforts are made.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp; </span>Also, the same argument can be used as an explanation for the regional differences -the fact that the poor regions do not have previous experience and knowledge for efficient investments.</span></span></p>


Worldview ◽  
1971 ◽  
Vol 14 (9) ◽  
pp. 8-12
Author(s):  
William J. Barnds

The decade of the sixties saw more than the normal quota of paradox and contradiction, and attitudes toward the economic development of the poor nations and the relationship between rich and poor nations were no exception. In. the realization that economic development was one of the world's critical problems, the United Nations titled the sixties the "decade of development" and set a goal of a five per cent annual increase in gross national product (G.N.P.) for the poor countries. This growth was to be achieved primarily by greater effort on their part, but was to be significantly aided by rich countries which would provide one per cent of their G.N.P. as assistance.


1982 ◽  
Vol 196 (1) ◽  
pp. 175-182 ◽  
Author(s):  
M W Thring

When one looks at the twenty-first century it is clear that the extrapolation of high technology must lead to disaster. The factors are arms escalation, increase of the gap between rich and poor countries, growth of deserts, exhaustion of easily won raw materials, especially hydrocarbons, the cumulative effects of pollution, and increasing unemployment. Necessary steps towards a stable world are for the rich countries to accept a considerable reduction in their use of resources, to provide everyone with an interesting and well paid job and to shift a steadily increasing fraction of their engineering R & D resources from weaponry to co-operative production of equipment for the poor countries.


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