Who Is a Refugee?

No Refuge ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 27-49
Author(s):  
Serena Parekh

“Refugee” is a term that is used in many different and sometimes inconsistent ways. This chapter provides an overview of the complexities involved in defining who a refugee is. It argues that because there is no universally agreed-on definition of a refugee, one that is consistent with international law, our moral intuitions, and on-the-ground practice, we cannot be confident that we are categorizing the right people as refugees and others as not deserving of any help. The line between refugees and other kinds of forced migrants is blurry at best, and a rigid distinction is perhaps impossible. The seemingly arbitrary way that refugee status is given is a feature of the global refugee regime that contributes to the second crisis and the inability of refugees to find refuge.

2012 ◽  
Vol 37 (04) ◽  
pp. 933-968 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rebecca Hamlin

International law provides nations with a common definition of a refugee, yet the processes by which countries determine who should be granted refugee status look strikingly different, even across nations with many institutional, cultural, geographical, and political similarities. This article compares the refugee status determination regimes of three popular asylum seeker destinations—the United States, Canada, and Australia. Despite these nations' similar border control policies, asylum seekers crossing their borders access three very different systems. These differences have less to do with political debates over admission and border control policy than with the level of insulation the administrative decision-making agency enjoys from political interference and judicial review. Bureaucratic justice is conceptualized and organized differently in different states, and so states vary in how they draw the line between refugee and nonrefugee.


Author(s):  
Geoff Gilbert ◽  
Anna Magdalena Rüsch

This chapter explores the definition of refugee status in international law, its scope and limitations and consequent protection gaps for those forcibly displaced, including internally displaced persons (IDPs), who have crossed no international border. There is no equivalent definition for migrants, but like refugees, asylum-seekers, and IDPs, international human rights law provides a framework for their protection. The chapter explains the difference between refugee status and asylum, focusing on non-refoulement in international law. It discusses the rights that are guaranteed during displacement, particularly those pertaining to detention and humanitarian relief. Given that refugee status is intended to be temporary, the final section looks at cessation and durable solutions, either following voluntary return, through local integration, or resettlement in some third State.


2016 ◽  
Vol 18 (5) ◽  
pp. 400-417 ◽  
Author(s):  
José L. Gómez del Prado

To protect the right of peoples to self-determination enshrined in its Charter, the United Nations adopted instruments to fight against mercenary activities and the crime of mercenarism. These actions were developed within the context of Jus ad bellum or the prerequisites, established in the un Charter, under which States may resort to the use of armed force. In 1991, un abandoned the recommendation made by the International Law Commission to maintain the crime of mercenarism in the code of crimes against the peace and the security of mankind. Instead, un adopted the 1989 Convention which definition of mercenary based on Article 47 of Additional Protocol i under jus in bello, sets out a number of prerequisites revolving around the foreign character of the mercenary and his motivation. Such conditions are at the origin of the difficulties to apply the 1989 Convention that has proved unworkable to deal with the phenomenon of mercenarism.


The second part of the article considers the issue of the contradiction of the realization of the right to self-determination and the principle of territorial integrity of Serbia and Ukraine on the example of Kosovo and Crimea. It presents an analysis of the legitimacy of the will expression of Kosovars and Crimeans and its compliance with the norms of international law. The preconditions and factors of the ethnopolitical conflict are examined and the main problematic issues that caused controversies between the central and local authorities in Kosovo and Crimea are identified. The article emphasizes that the result of the plebiscites in Kosovo (1998) and Crimea (2014) was the declaration of independence, denied by central authorities of Serbia and Ukraine and met with mixed reactions by the international community. The self-proclaimed republics have only external features of statehood and are subject to external administration of other countries. A latent opposition of geopolitical opponents in the international arena is noted, which is to some extent traced through the position on the recognition / non-recognition of Kosovo and Crimea. The article draws attention to the fact that inconsistent interpretations of certain principles of international law promote secession movements in countries where conflicts periodically arise between central and local authorities. The emphasis is placed on the necessity of a clearer definition of the aforementioned international legal norms and obligations undertaken by subjects of international law. The article holds that in order to avoid such situations as in Kosovo or Crimea, to eliminate conflicts related to the possibility of an ambiguous interpretation and application of the principles of international law, an internationally recognized system of more stringent and comprehensive measures should be introduced to cease and prevent threats to the territorial integrity of countries. A strong position of the international community on the abovementioned principles with the history of the liberation movements of these peoples taken into account should become the measure precluding the aggravation of conflict situations related to the aspiration of peoples for self-determination.


2016 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 141 ◽  
Author(s):  
Łukasz Kułaga

The Use of Drones in Combating International Terrorism from the Perspective of ‘ius ad bellum’Summary The increasing practice of using armed unmanned aerial vehicles (military UAVs, commonly known as drones) by some countries to eliminate suspected terrorists raises a number of controversies from the perspective of international law. These controversies are also related to the specific features of military UAVs, which make it possible to kill targeted individuals without risk to the military personnel of the country concerned, and thereby may encourage the abusive interpretation of the applicable legal regulations. This article discusses these issues from the perspective of ius ad bellum, in particular the right to self-defence. It shows the main controversial points on the scope of invoking the right to self-defence in such cases, in particular the possibility of invoking the right to self-defence in response to an attack by a non-state entity, the question of pre-emptive self-defence, the importance of the severity of the force used as a condition allowing for the use of force in self-defence, and the relevance of the principles of proportionality and necessity. The article also presents an outline of the vast and highly controversial issues associated with the definition of terrorism from the point of view of international law.


Acta Humana ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 119-136
Author(s):  
Valéria Horváth

Although the issue of climate change mitigation and adaptation is fortunately evermore widely discussed, the problems facing ‘climate refugees’ only appears sporadically in the discussions adding to the current confusion. Taking recent and forecasted trends into account, the UN declares that states have serious moral obligations to provide humanitarian protection to all those displaced. The question which the international community and international lawyers face is whether states have more than just a moral obligation to provide protection. In this paper I will assess whether or not there are any roots in the various sources of international law – such as conventional law, customary international law, or the fundamental principles of international law – for the legal definition of ‘climate refugees’.


2016 ◽  
pp. 67-98
Author(s):  
Przemysław Saganek

The text of Przemysław Saganek is a part of a wider discussion on the Mediterranean migration crisis. The author underlines the multi-aspect character of the crisis and the fact that several branches of international law which are at stake in it. They cover: the law on refugees, human rights, the law of the sea, the maritime law, the rules on territorial sovereignty and on the crossing of borders. What is of importance are customary norms, treaties and norms of the EU law. The idea of the author is to look at the instruments of international law which may act as incentive for hundreds of thousands of newcomers or as main obstacles for the states to put an end to uncontrolled inflow of people through their borders. His idea is to identify such instruments and start discussion on their possible suspension or termination if the crisis persists. The author comes to the conclusion that the definition of a refugee from the 1951 Geneva Conventionis not by itself a source of problems. The same concerns the subsidiary protection as introduced by the EU qualification directive. The same can be said about the scope of rights of persons covered by the international protection. The only element which requires discussion is the possible redefinition of the right to national treatment as regards the social aid. On the other hand, the scope of powers of states to defend their borders depends on the interpretation of the EU instruments on the protection of borders and the rights of applicants for international protection. The author comes to the conclusion that neither the procedural directive, nor the 2016 Schengen Border Code can be interpreted as a source of the right of an applicant to enter the territory of a Member State. On the other hand, the geographical conditions and the law of the sea make Greece and Italy the most vulnerable for the inflow of persons. The necessity of important changes to the law and its interpretation are referred to in a general way.


2011 ◽  
pp. 15-22
Author(s):  
Jean Ziegler ◽  
Christophe Golay ◽  
Claire Mahon ◽  
Sally-Anne Way

1979 ◽  
Vol 48 (1-4) ◽  
pp. 139-141

AbstractThe main subject of the debate was whether or not it is advisable to extend the concept of refugee beyond the present strict legal definitions and include more humanitarian concerns as suggested by Poul Hartling. On the one hand it was maintained in alia that — an extension of the international concept would create a discrepancy between the national concepts and the international concept — the concept of refugee applicable at the time of passing legislation concerning refugees still pertains — the quota-systems require strict adherence to legal definitions — the unsuccessful conference on territorial asylum proved the difficulty of adopting common norms of a broad humanitarian nature wrich is at the same time acceptable to governments - it was easier for the UNHCR in his pragmatic international work of a humanitarian administrative and social nature to adopt a wide concept, whereas the national refugee agencies whose problems is primarily that of issuing residence permits have to apply a more precise and narrow definition. Others took the view that — even in international law the concept of refugee is not totally static; in this respect it was mentioned that in spite of unmerous laws on refugees in Sweden, a precise definition has never been found - a liberal interpretation of existing written norms was called for rather than attempts to establish totally new definitions in a legally binding form - humanitarian concerns are not opposed to legal concepts; on the contrary, the legal concepts emerge from humanitarian and other political concerns — the definition in international law is to be considered a minimum norm. It was suggested that the refugee concept could be much wider in the field of assistance rather than in the field of protection. The dichotomy of having two refugee concepts, an international and a national come out as a practical problem when it comes to recognizing the refugee status. Theoretically, the dichotomy does not create serious problems, because the recognition is declaratory, not constitutive. In practical terms, there is a problem, however, because there is only one (effective) recognition of refugee status, the national recognition. It was noted that the High Commissioner often responded spontaneously to emergency situations involving wholely or in part groups of people falling beyond or on the verge of his mandate. The UN General Assembly, however, never failed to welcome such action thereby accepting a wider definition of UNCHR's mandate. The problems of de facto refugees were discussed. Reluctance was expressed towards extending the number of categories of refugees, e.g. by adding C and D categories to the A and B categories existing in the Nordic countries. It was preferable to extend the general definition of refugee in the manner of e.g. the Netherlands, Switzerland, or Sweden. A consequence of recognizing de facto refugees explicitly one way or the other was that the concept of de facto refugee would disappear. A common international definition which includes de facto refugees was called for. On the other hand, a warning was issued against adopting a very precise definition thereby creating new limits and new categories of people needing humanitarian assistance or protection but falling outside accepted categories. The problem of lacking international sanctions against countries which do not apply the international minimum standards was mentioned. It was pointed out, however, that the good offices and diplomatic initiatives of the High Commissioner often proved highly effective. Finally, a number of participants invited the High Commissioner to engage deeper into regional arrangements and to open a regional office in the Nordic countries.


2019 ◽  
pp. 125-147
Author(s):  
Paweł Ochmann

The term ‘hybrid war’ is not a legal term. It belongs to the terminology and concepts used in the studies on international relationships. Due to its popularization in mass media it has recently started to be used in new contexts. The purpose of the article is to ascertain the precise meaning of the term, and to determine the legal implica­tions which a particular understanding of it may have in international public law. Certain understandings or interpretations of a given term determine its legal consequences and allow the assessment of their implications from the point of view of international law. Therefore in the first part of the article, a review and an examination of different ways of understanding the term ‘hybrid war’ have been conducted. Although the definitions that had been analyzed are noteworthy and they emphasize some aspects of the ‘hybrid war,’ they lack a definition of the term that would take into consideration all the dimensions of the issue of a hybrid war. Thus the attempt taken by the author to propose his own definition, aggregating all observations and insights made by the international relations experts so far, and enumerating the distinctive characteristics of hybrid wars. After that, some typical el­ements of a hybrid war are analyzed from the point of view of international public law. The paper investigates the possibility of qualifying hybrid methods as the ‘use of force,’ an ‘aggression’ and an ‘armed attack’ within the meaning of the United Nations Charter. It also examines the admissibility of a counter-attack within the framework of the right to self- defence. The issue raises many doubts particularly with regard to activities from below the threshold of war that are distinctive char­acteristics of a hybrid war. The legal implications of the use of a non-state actor to conduct an armed activity under international law were also raised, being referred to as proxy war.


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