scholarly journals Prawne implikacje wybranych elementów terminu „wojna hybrydowa”

2019 ◽  
pp. 125-147
Author(s):  
Paweł Ochmann

The term ‘hybrid war’ is not a legal term. It belongs to the terminology and concepts used in the studies on international relationships. Due to its popularization in mass media it has recently started to be used in new contexts. The purpose of the article is to ascertain the precise meaning of the term, and to determine the legal implica­tions which a particular understanding of it may have in international public law. Certain understandings or interpretations of a given term determine its legal consequences and allow the assessment of their implications from the point of view of international law. Therefore in the first part of the article, a review and an examination of different ways of understanding the term ‘hybrid war’ have been conducted. Although the definitions that had been analyzed are noteworthy and they emphasize some aspects of the ‘hybrid war,’ they lack a definition of the term that would take into consideration all the dimensions of the issue of a hybrid war. Thus the attempt taken by the author to propose his own definition, aggregating all observations and insights made by the international relations experts so far, and enumerating the distinctive characteristics of hybrid wars. After that, some typical el­ements of a hybrid war are analyzed from the point of view of international public law. The paper investigates the possibility of qualifying hybrid methods as the ‘use of force,’ an ‘aggression’ and an ‘armed attack’ within the meaning of the United Nations Charter. It also examines the admissibility of a counter-attack within the framework of the right to self- defence. The issue raises many doubts particularly with regard to activities from below the threshold of war that are distinctive char­acteristics of a hybrid war. The legal implications of the use of a non-state actor to conduct an armed activity under international law were also raised, being referred to as proxy war.

2016 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 141 ◽  
Author(s):  
Łukasz Kułaga

The Use of Drones in Combating International Terrorism from the Perspective of ‘ius ad bellum’Summary The increasing practice of using armed unmanned aerial vehicles (military UAVs, commonly known as drones) by some countries to eliminate suspected terrorists raises a number of controversies from the perspective of international law. These controversies are also related to the specific features of military UAVs, which make it possible to kill targeted individuals without risk to the military personnel of the country concerned, and thereby may encourage the abusive interpretation of the applicable legal regulations. This article discusses these issues from the perspective of ius ad bellum, in particular the right to self-defence. It shows the main controversial points on the scope of invoking the right to self-defence in such cases, in particular the possibility of invoking the right to self-defence in response to an attack by a non-state entity, the question of pre-emptive self-defence, the importance of the severity of the force used as a condition allowing for the use of force in self-defence, and the relevance of the principles of proportionality and necessity. The article also presents an outline of the vast and highly controversial issues associated with the definition of terrorism from the point of view of international law.


Author(s):  
Krzysztof Kozłowski

This article aims at analyzing the right to diplomatic and consular protection in the context of the standard resulting from international law. It tries to give a definition of this institution, pointing to its public and subsidiary nature. It also points out that diplomatic and consular assistance is carried out in a situation of conflict between the interests of the individual and the country of origin, and that of the host country. The article also discusses the subject and subject matter of consular and diplomatic care.                 Moreover, the study comments on the specific features of this right from the point of view of the complexity and effectiveness of the protection of rights at the international level. In this context it was pointed out that the right to diplomatic and consular protection is not a classic right, but can be considered as an instrument for the operation of other rights or freedoms. The right to consular and diplomatic care is devoid of homogeneous regulation, but also depends on the legal standard of care offered by the home state and must be within the limits set by the host country. The scope of its application may be related to any legal event that may occur when the entity is in a situation of contact with the legal system of the receiving state.                 The discussions under consideration highlighted the subsidiarity of the right to diplomatic and consular assistance for the exercise by the individual of his or her rights and freedoms. However, There is no complete protection standard in this respect, which is conducive to the lack of exhaustive regulation at the convention level, which, in extreme cases, can jeopardize the exercise by the individual of his or her subjective rights, that is to ensure its adequate protection standard in the territory of the host country.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-41
Author(s):  
Donato VESE

Governments around the world are strictly regulating information on social media in the interests of addressing fake news. There is, however, a risk that the uncontrolled spread of information could increase the adverse effects of the COVID-19 health emergency through the influence of false and misleading news. Yet governments may well use health emergency regulation as a pretext for implementing draconian restrictions on the right to freedom of expression, as well as increasing social media censorship (ie chilling effects). This article seeks to challenge the stringent legislative and administrative measures governments have recently put in place in order to analyse their negative implications for the right to freedom of expression and to suggest different regulatory approaches in the context of public law. These controversial government policies are discussed in order to clarify why freedom of expression cannot be allowed to be jeopardised in the process of trying to manage fake news. Firstly, an analysis of the legal definition of fake news in academia is presented in order to establish the essential characteristics of the phenomenon (Section II). Secondly, the legislative and administrative measures implemented by governments at both international (Section III) and European Union (EU) levels (Section IV) are assessed, showing how they may undermine a core human right by curtailing freedom of expression. Then, starting from the premise of social media as a “watchdog” of democracy and moving on to the contention that fake news is a phenomenon of “mature” democracy, the article argues that public law already protects freedom of expression and ensures its effectiveness at the international and EU levels through some fundamental rules (Section V). There follows a discussion of the key regulatory approaches, and, as alternatives to government intervention, self-regulation and especially empowering users are proposed as strategies to effectively manage fake news by mitigating the risks of undue interference by regulators in the right to freedom of expression (Section VI). The article concludes by offering some remarks on the proposed solution and in particular by recommending the implementation of reliability ratings on social media platforms (Section VII).


Author(s):  
OLEKSANDR PAHIRIA

The article examines one of the little-studied aspects of the subversive operation of Poland and Hungary against Carpatho-Ukraine, namely the military cooperation between the Carpathian Sich and the Czechoslovak Army and security agencies (StOS, gendarmery, state police, and financial guard) in the protection of the borders of the autonomous region against attacks by Polish and Hungarian saboteurs in fall 1938 – early 1939. Drawing on Czech and Polish archival materials, as well as memoirs, the author establishes the role of Czechoslovak officers in the provision of arms, ammunition, and training for the Carpathian Sich units, as well as in their engagement in joint intelligence and counter-sabotage activities in the border areas with Poland and Hungary. Such actions produced a joint Czech-Ukrainian response to the undeclared "hybrid war" waged by Poland and Hungary against Carpatho-Ukraine, which final aim was to establish a common frontier in the Carpathians. Despite its largely secondary (auxiliary) function in this operation, the Carpathian Sich members were able not only to demonstrate efficiency in the fight against Hungarian and Polish militants but at the same time to become a source of information for the Czechoslovak intelligence. From the point of view of the Czechoslovak command's interests, the Carpathian Sich served as a "non-state actor," who was trying to counter-balance the enemy's non-regular formations. The mentioned military cooperation marked the first stage in relations between the Carpathian Sich and the Czechoslovak military that started in the first half of November 1938 and ended in mid-January 1939 with the nomination by Prague of Czech general Lev Prchala as the third minister in the autonomous government of Carpatho-Ukraine. For the Carpathian Sich, the cooperation with the Czechoslovak security agencies produced their first combat experience and served as the source of replenishment of its scarce arsenal. Keywords: Carpatho-Ukraine, Carpathian Sich, sabotage, Poland, Hungary, "Lom" operation.


2020 ◽  
pp. 37-40
Author(s):  
Anastasiia TEROSHKINA

In this paper presents and analyzes the concept of the Agrarian Exchange from the point of view of scientists of the economic and legal community, as well as the legislative definition of the corresponding concept. Particular attention is paid to the study of legal documents designed to regulate the activities of the Agrarian Exchange, to establish its legal status. The issues of organizational and legal form and legal status of the property of the Agrarian Exchange are also revealed. Due to some similarities between the Agrarian and Commodity Exchanges, an analysis of the comparison of these two entities is given. The analysis allowed finding fundamental differences concerning the subjects authorized to create the Agrarian Exchange. At the same time, the paper proposes the need to create a subject of the agricultural market in such an organizational and legal form as a non-profit company. First of all, it will be correlated with the legal status of the property owned by the Agrarian Exchange. The possibility of participation in the founding activities of the Agrarian Exchange of large agricultural producers is also considered. But only if the Agrarian Exchange operates in a certain organizational and legal form, which may allow such participation alongside government agencies. That is why, the right of operative management of property, which has the Agrarian Exchange, is decisive for the legislator in the possible choice of organizational and legal form of creation of this entity. That is why the paper is aimed at encouraging the need to adopt a new legislative act that will clearly provide the nuances of the creation, operation and termination of the Agrarian Exchange.


Author(s):  
A.P. Ushakova ◽  

From the standpoint of the dominant interest criterion the article examines the justification of the legislator`s decision to apply public law methods in order to regulate relations concerning the use of land for infrastructural facilities placing. The author gives the arguments in favor of understanding the public interest as the interest of the whole society as a system, rather than the interest of an indefinite range of persons or the majority of the population. The author concludes that there is the simultaneous presence in the specified legal relations and private interests of the participants of legal relations, and public interests of society as a system. Both types of interests in these legal relations are important, but in terms of different aspects of the legal impact mechanism. Public interest is important because its realization is the purpose of legal regulation of this type of legal relations, from this point of view it acts as a dominant interest. The private interest of the holder of a public servitude is important as an incentive to attract the efforts of private individuals to achieve a publicly significant goal. The private interest of a land plot owner is important from the point of view of securing the right of ownership. It is substantiated that the public servitude is not an arbitrary decision of the legislator, but an example of application of the incentive method in the land law, which provides a favorable legal regime for a socially useful activity.


1947 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 330-348 ◽  
Author(s):  
H. Lauterpacht

The cause célèbre of King v. William Joyce, subsequently reported as Joyce v. Director of Public Prosecutions, was concerned to a large extent with matters of interest for international law, and it is mainly from this point of view that it is proposed to discuss it in the present article. Obviously the case is also of considerable importance both for criminal law, in so far as it is concerned with the crime of treason, and for constitutional law inasmuch as it bears directly on the question of the nature and the obligations of allegiance. However, it is probable that the case books which will claim it most insistently will be those of international law. For the decision in Rex v. Joyce is not only an authority on certain aspects of allegiance owed by aliens and of the right of a State to assume jurisdiction over acts committed by aliens abroad. It sheds light on such questions as the nature of diplomatic protection of citizens, the right of a State to protect diplomatically persons who are not its citizens, the obligation of allegiance of so-called protected persons, and some others. Not all these questions were judicially answered, but they loomed large in argument and imparted to the proceedings the complexion of a case concerned predominantly with international law. In view of this it may be pertinent to preface this article by drawing attention to a point which appears to be a mere matter of terminology but which, it is believed, raises an issue of wider significance.


1951 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 267-285 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kurt V. Laun

Hitler had been recognized by all foreign governments. Also during the last war the recognition was not withdrawn. One has therefore to assume that, from the point of view of international law, Hitler was the lawful government and representative of Germany. For the purposes of this article we need not deal with the question whether, according to German public law, he came to power, for instance, by means of a coup d'état or a perjury.


Robotica ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 279-296 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alessandro Gasparetto ◽  
Vanni Zanotto

SUMMARYIn the past years a large number of new surgical devices have been developed to improve the operation outcomes and reduce the patient's trauma. Nevertheless, the dexterity and accuracy required in positioning the surgical tools are often unreachable if the surgeons are not assisted by a suitable system. Since a medical robot works in an operating room, close to the patient and the medical staff, it has to satisfy much stricter requirements with respect to an industrial one. From a kinematic point of view, the robot must reach any target position in the patient's body, being as less invasive as possible for the surgeon's workspace. In order to meet such requirements, the right robot structure has to be chosen by means of the definition of suitable kinematic performance indices.In this paper some task-based indices based on the robot workspace and stiffness are presented and discussed. The indices will be used in a multiobjective optimization problem to evaluate best robot kinematic structure for a given neurosurgical task.


2016 ◽  
Vol 18 (5) ◽  
pp. 400-417 ◽  
Author(s):  
José L. Gómez del Prado

To protect the right of peoples to self-determination enshrined in its Charter, the United Nations adopted instruments to fight against mercenary activities and the crime of mercenarism. These actions were developed within the context of Jus ad bellum or the prerequisites, established in the un Charter, under which States may resort to the use of armed force. In 1991, un abandoned the recommendation made by the International Law Commission to maintain the crime of mercenarism in the code of crimes against the peace and the security of mankind. Instead, un adopted the 1989 Convention which definition of mercenary based on Article 47 of Additional Protocol i under jus in bello, sets out a number of prerequisites revolving around the foreign character of the mercenary and his motivation. Such conditions are at the origin of the difficulties to apply the 1989 Convention that has proved unworkable to deal with the phenomenon of mercenarism.


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