Perfecting the Union

Author(s):  
Max M. Edling

Habitually interpreted as the fundamental law of the American republic, the US Constitution was in fact designed as an instrument of union between thirteen American republics and as a form of government for their common central government. It offered an organizational solution to the security concerns of the newly independent American states. Confederation was an established means for weak states to maintain their independence by joining in union to manage relations with the outside world from a position of strength. Confederation also transformed the immediate international environment by turning neighboring states from potential enemies into sister states in a common union or peace pact. The US Constitution profoundly altered the structure of the American union and made the federal government more effective than under the defunct Articles of Confederation. But it did not transform the fundamental purpose of the federal union, which remained the management of relations between the American states, on the one hand, and between the American states and foreign powers, on the other. As had been the case under the articles, the states regulated the social, economic, and civic life of their citizens and inhabitants with only limited supervision and control from the federal government. This book demonstrates that interpreting the Constitution as an instrument of union has important implications for the understanding of the American founding. The Constitution mattered much more to the international than to the domestic history of the United States. Its importance to the latter was dwarfed by that of state constitutions and legislation.

2021 ◽  
Vol 66 (6) ◽  
pp. 27-49
Author(s):  
Włodzimierz Okrasa

Censuses of population and housing in the United States are of particular interest to experts in many disciplines – in addition to statisticians, also to demographers, political scientists, sociologists, historians, and even psychologists and anthropologists. This is so not only because of the long history of US censuses (the first census in the US was carried out in 1790) or methodological innovations, but due to immigration responsible for the dynamic population growth, and to the specific purpose of the census, which is ensuring the proportional (according to the numer of inhabitants) distribution of seats in the lower chamber of Congress and federal funds (apportionment), guaranteed by the US Constitution. The heterogeneity of the American society, both in the racial-ethnic and religious-cultural sense, in addition to the above considerations, raise questions about the purposes of those changes and directions for improvement in subsequent censuses. The aim of the article is to present the problems and challenges related to censuses in the USA. The paper focuses on methodological and operational solutions that can be implemented thanks to several improvements, including the progress in the fields of statistics and technology. The paper also discusses the issues of credibility of the census data, based on the example of immigration from Poland and the Polish diaspora in the USA.


2021 ◽  
pp. 35-74
Author(s):  
Max M. Edling

The preamble’s promise of “a more perfect union” suggests that the US Constitution of 1787 aimed to reform the less than perfect union established by the Articles of Confederation of 1781. The framers’ understanding of union was grounded in early modern political ideas about confederations, and their call for reform in their analysis of the flaws of the articles. Their reform of the American union was characterized by both change and continuity. Although the Constitution laid the basis for a federal government founded on popular sovereignty and capable of acting independently of the states, the fundamental purpose of the American union and the remit of the federal government remained the management of intraunion and international affairs. In the reformed American federal union the states still retained the power to regulate the social, economic, and civic life of their citizens and inhabitants with only limited supervision and control from the federal government.


Author(s):  
Victor Pickard

Chapter 1 historicizes the journalism crisis, showing that in the United States commercial news media institutions have always been in crisis. The chapter first summarizes the history of the US press and its freedoms under the First Amendment of the US Constitution and sketches out continuities in US press history in terms of democratic theory, market failure, and reform efforts. It goes on to outline a long unbroken tradition of radical media criticism and ongoing attempts to rein in the commercial excesses of US journalism. Finally, the chapter underscores the US press system’s structural contradictions that have rendered it prone to crisis.


2021 ◽  
pp. 16-34
Author(s):  
Max M. Edling

In recent years a new Unionist interpretation of the American founding has presented the US Constitution as a compact of union between sovereign states, which allowed them to maintain interstate peace and to act in unison as a single nation vis-à-vis other nations in the international state-system. The American compact of union entailed the voluntary circumscription of the member-states’ sovereignty and the creation of a federal government through the delegation of enumerated powers from the states to the union. The Constitution was a limited, if very important, reform of the already existing American union under the Articles of Confederation. It did not aim at a wholesale transformation of American social and economic life, but sought to equip the union with the means to address challenges that arose from intraunion tensions, on the one hand, and from international competition in the Atlantic marketplace and the Western borderlands, on the other.


Author(s):  
Judith Stephens-Lorenz

Lynching dramas reflect the brutal history of racial violence in which black individuals, primarily black men, were murdered by a white mob with no repercussions for the murderers. This is the particular form of lynching that became a systematic feature of black–white race relations in the United States after 1865 (when slavery was outlawed in the US Constitution) and that lynching dramas address. References to lynching appear in African American drama as early as 1858 (The Escape; or a Leap for Freedom by William Wells Brown), but lynching drama developed as a form when playwrights (both black and white) moved beyond brief references and focussed on a specific lynching incident (Granny Maumee by Ridgely Torrence, 1914).


Istoriya ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (8 (106)) ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Alexey Beglov

From 1938 to 1992, the Church of St. Louis of the French was the only legally operating Roman Catholic parish church in Moscow. The peculiarity of the parish was that its core membership and its “executive bodies” comprised foreign nationals and representatives of the diplomatic corps, primarily of France and the United States. In the second half of the 1940s, amid rising tensions with the West, the Soviet authorities subjected the community of St. Louis and its clergy to their control. Today, it is possible to detail the circumstances of this case not only thanks to the Russian archival materials but also to the document published below, a copy of a memorandum by Fr. Leopold Braun, A. A., an American priest who administered the Church of St. Louis in 1934—1945. The document, originally forwarded to the US State Department in February 1954, was found in the Archives of the North American Province of the Assumptionists in the Provincial House in Boston, MA. In this document, Fr. Braun describes the history of the church in the Soviet period, focusing on the confrontation between its clergy and parishioners, on the one hand, and the Soviet authorities, on the other. He also suggests that the US Government intervene in the situation and return control of the church to Catholics of all nationalities, including those who do not have Soviet citizenship. The basis for such interference, from the point of view of Fr. L. Braun, was the Roosevelt — Litvinov agreements of 1933, which contained guarantees of religious freedoms for American citizens in the USSR.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Holder Bennett

In response to the various travel restrictions put in place by President Donald J. Trump's various executive orders, the author analyzes their implications in the context of existing policy and the structure of recognized constitutional rights for foreigners visiting the United States.


2016 ◽  
pp. 156-160
Author(s):  
Victor Ladychenko

The development of constitutionalism in the United States is described in this article. The distribution of power by the US Constitution in 1787 is analyzed. Certain continuity of law from the time of the American Revolution to this day is noted. Founding fathers views of the value of the constitutional norms in the political development of the United States are shown.


Author(s):  
Steven K. Green

The public funding of private religious education has been one of the more contentious issues in the history of American education and in US constitutional law. Unlike the situation in many Western democracies, the United States does not have a tradition of equal funding of public and private schools. This is based in large part on interpretations of the US Constitution and the historical development of public education in the United States. This article discusses the evolution of the “no-funding rule” from the early nineteenth century through the latest interpretations of that rule by the US Supreme Court. It demonstrates that neither the rule nor its application has remained static over time.


2021 ◽  
pp. 134-150
Author(s):  
Max M. Edling

Interpreting the US Constitution as an instrument of federal union has important implications in terms of understanding of the American founding. The Constitution mattered much more to the international than to the domestic history of the United States. Its importance to the latter was dwarfed by the role of state constitutions and state legislation. The Constitution provided the institutional basis on which the nation would grow in territory, population, and riches in the nineteenth century. But if the federal government was active in foreign policy, so-called Indian diplomacy, and the management of the national domain, it played only a limited role in domestic developments. To understand the processes of economic and political modernization that characterized the United States in the nineteenth century, that is, the transition to a market economy and to liberal democracy, it is necessary to study the actions and inactions of the American state governments.


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