Do Special Elections Tell Anything about Upcoming General Elections?

2021 ◽  
pp. 159-182
Author(s):  
Charles S. Bullock ◽  
Karen L. Owen

Chapter 6 presents quantitative analyses on 298 special election contests held since World War II. The authors model two features associated with special elections. The first analysis seeks to understand the correlates of winning a special election. The second set of models explores whether results of special elections shed light on which party will excel in the next general election.

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 24-29
Author(s):  
Manjinder Kaur

This study tends to shed light on early childhood care and education (ECCE) institutions with special reference to kindergartens in Fukuoka, Japan. The choice of the topic for study was derived by the importance of ECCE in children’s life and huge economic growth of Japan after worst effects of world war-II, which are thought to be linked with the education that children receives in Japan. The study is limited to four kindergartens in Fukuoka City and observations made for the study refers to 2018. Herein, different types of institutions providing ECCE, their infrastructural set-up, activities, along with curriculum are discussed. At the end, issues and challenges of ECCE system in Japan are discussed. It has been observed that the infrastructural facility and nature of activities are of high quality. Each and every care is being taken to inculcate habits, as well as to maintain physical and intellectual growth of children. The children seem to be highly happy and enjoy learning via various activities in these schools. It is clear that the devised policies on education and care of children are implemented in full spirit.


2019 ◽  
pp. 139-169
Author(s):  
Isser Woloch

This chapter focuses on Britain after World War II. The British could take pride in their stubborn endurance over six long years of war, but the toll and the scars ran deep by 1945: over 950,000 wartime casualties, including 357,000 killed; massive bombing destruction of already scarce housing; pervasive shortages and bleak austerities; and an empty treasury. From day one, inexorable postwar economic and financial constraints enveloped the Labour government, apart from its self-inflicted wounds such as the winter coal crisis in 1946–47 and the convertibility fiasco. However, across its five-year term of office, Labour stood by its proclaimed egalitarian values. Labour honored its unprecedented commitment “to raise the living standards of the people as a whole,” and it linked that goal to the imperative of raising the economy's productive capacities. The chapter also looks at the general election of 1945.


1969 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 571-604 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph S. Tulchin

Argentine neutrality during World War II with its suspicious leanings toward fascism has become a cliché in inter-American relations. As far as the United States was concerned at that time, the Argentine Republic was the black sheep of the hemispheric community, the only nation that failed to cooperate wholeheartedly in the crusade against the Axis. The famous State Department “Blue Book,” so conveniently published prior to the Argentine general elections of 1946, spelled out the aid and comfort the Nazis had derived from Argentina's neutrality. By only the narrowest margin did Argentina avoid being drummed out of the hemispheric organization and barred from membership in the new United Nations.It seems strange, therefore, to recall that it was the Argentine government that first suggested, in the spring of 1940, that the nations of the Western Hemisphere discard the posture of traditional neutrality in the face of the spreading conflagration in Europe, on the grounds that it was anachronistic and did not protect their interests.


1989 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 117-149 ◽  
Author(s):  
John F. Laffey

The completion in 1986 of the Documents diplomatiques français, 1932–1939 permits a review of French Far Eastern policy during that troubled time characterized by J.-B. Duroselle as ‘la décadence.’ This massive documentary collection, however, still dose not provide a full picture of the forces which shaped French East Asian policy in the years before the outbreak of the Pacific War. Understandably focused upon European developments, it begins and ends, from the Far Eastern perspective, in medias res; that is, after the outbreak of the Manchurian crisis and before the Japanese occupation of Indochina. Moreover, like other compilations of what statesmen and diplomats said to each other, this one slights economic factors and, though to a lesser extent, the role of public opinion. Even taken in their own terms, the documents perhaps reveal more about what others said and did to the French than about what they themselves accomplished. That points to a more fundamental problem, for one can question whether anything so gelatinous as the French responses or lack thereof to developments largely beyond their control can even be described as ‘policy.’ Still, although much more work in archives and private papers will be necessary before the entire story can be pieced together, these documents do shed light on what passed for French policy in East Asia during the years before the outbreak of World War II.


Author(s):  
Kathleen M. German

Considering their historically marginalized place in American democracy, one wonders why African Americans bothered to fight in any American conflict. This conundrum is especially perplexing in World War II, a war to free millions from tyranny. Scholars have neglected to ask the fundamental question; why did the African American community send thousands of men to fight for a democratic way of life in which they could not fully participate? The answers to this question, and there are undoubtedly multiple responses, may shed light on contemporary quandaries–situations that involve military mobilization for the good, not of the whole society, but of narrow constituencies. This is the central question of this book. The chapters explore the cultural context where citizenship for African Americans was negotiated through military service.


1951 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 474-478 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard M. Scammon

Since the hard-fought general election of February 23, 1950, the narrow margin of Labor's control of the British House of Commons has been tested at the polls on ten occasions. This number of by-elections to fill vacancies in the membership of the House is a normal post-World War II figure (the previous House saw fifty-two replacements in its four and one-half years of life), although it is somewhat under that of prewar averages. In terms of locale, however, these ten by-elections were atypical. Though the overall distribution within the various parts of the United Kingdom was not unrepresentative (six in England, one in Wales, actually Monmouthshire, two in Scotland, and one in Northern Ireland), all vacancies chanced to come in urban areas. Eight of the contests involved borough seats and the other two (West Dunbartonshire and Abertillery, Monmouthshire) were primarily urban in character.


2019 ◽  
Vol 69 (5) ◽  
pp. 513-538 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Simonson ◽  
Junya Morooka ◽  
Bingjuan Xiong ◽  
Nathan Bedsole

Abstract Mass communication was one of the central signs through which communication research constituted itself in the post-World War II era. An American term, it indexed and communicatively advanced the problematization of media that took shape from the 1920s onward. Recently, scholars have debated the term’s continued relevance, typically without awareness of its history or international contexts of use. To provide needed background and enrich efforts to globalize the field, we offer a transnational history of mass communication, illuminating the sociological, cultural, and geopolitical dynamics of its emergence, dissemination, and reception. Mapping locations of its adoption, adaption, and rejection across world regions, we offer a methodology and a historical narrative to shed light on the early globalization of the field and lines of power and resistance that shaped it. We show how the term carries a residue of postwar American hegemony, and argue for greater reflexive awareness of our vocabularies of inquiry.


2013 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 111-147 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel K Fetter

The largest twentieth-century increase in US home ownership occurred between 1940 and 1960, associated largely with declining age at first ownership. I shed light on the contribution of coincident government mortgage market interventions by examining home loan benefits granted under the World War II and Korean War GI Bills. Veterans' benefits increased home ownership rates primarily by shifting purchase earlier in life, explaining 7.4 percent of the overall 1940–1960 increase, and 25 percent of the increase for affected cohorts. A rough extrapolation suggests that broader changes in mortgage terms can explain 40 percent of the 1940–1960 increase. (JEL G21, N22, N92, R21, R31)


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 98-106
Author(s):  
S. P. Shatilov ◽  
O. A. Shatilova

The research featured the implementation of state ideology and legal policy during the World War II. The present paper describes the case of the Altai Territory, where the local militia forces had to struggle against anti-Soviet propaganda and provocative rumors in 1941–1942. The study helped to identify the main reasons that led to such manifestations: the critical situation at the front during the early period of the war; lack of media information about the real state of affairs; distorted information that the disoriented evacuees shared with the local people. Archival materials helped to shed light on the basic forms and methods which the local militia used to combat the rumors. The paper focuses on the means of identification of sources of anti-Soviet propaganda, as well as the peculiarities of criminal prosecution in such cases. During the Great Patriotic War (1941–1945), the militia used various forms and methods to identify sources of anti-Soviet propaganda and provocative rumors. The analysis showed that the militia thoroughly investigated each case, revealing the initial source of anonymous information.


Author(s):  
Luana Russo ◽  
Pedro Riera ◽  
Tom Verthé

The 2013 Italian parliamentary election was characterized by the outstanding performance of the MoVimento Cinque Stelle, which in its first participation in a general election obtained a remarkable 25% of the national vote. Where did these votes come from? Furthermore, is it possible to observe different electoral dynamics across geographical areas of Italy? In order to address these questions, we first estimate the flow of votes between the 2008 and 2013 general elections by applying an ecological inference method – the Goodman model – to the entire Italian voting population, and then we take a closer look at the differences in the four geopolitical areas in which Italy is traditionally divided. We find that the extraordinary performance of the MoVimento 5 Stelle was largely due to its capacity of attracting similar amounts of former Partito Democratico and Popolo della Libertà supporters, as well as a considerable amount of voters from their traditional allies: Lega Nord and Italia dei Valori. The MoVimento 5 Stelle was also able to mobilize previous non-voters. We shed light on the territorial features of these dynamics.


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