Secrecy and Frontiers in Illegal Organ Transplantation

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philippe Steiner
Keyword(s):  
Organ Transplantation ◽  
Final Part ◽  
The Political ◽  
Legislative Process ◽  
Theoretical Issues

The chapter first considers how the issue of commodification was handled in the legislative process that produced the ban on the market for organ transplantations, the political step necessary to make this form of transaction illegal. The second part considers some of the theoretical issues related to the conceptualization of illegality within the domain of exchange, examining the role that violence, secrecy, and the frontier between legality and illegality play in the functioning of illegal transactions. In the final part, the chapter considers three cases of illegal transplantation, paying particular attention to the organizational dimension and to the work of concealment that must be done in order to cross the frontier between the legal and the illegal worlds.

The Parliamentary Role of Joint Standing Committees in Sweden

1951 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 464-473 ◽  
Author(s):  
Neil C. M. Elder
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Legislative Process ◽  
The Government

The joint standing committees of the Swedish Parliament are unique institutions of particular interest to the political analyst. They are the very linchpin of the legislative process in Sweden; they mediate in the event of intercameral disputes; and they even arrogate to themselves quasi-governmental powers when the government cannot muster a majority in the legislature.

scholarly journals HORAS “IN ITINERE” E A HIPOSSUFICIÊNCIA DO TRABALHADOR RURAL NA REFORMA TRABALHISTA

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (Especial 2) ◽  
pp. 852-857
Author(s):  
Clarissa Manzano Dos Santos Falconi
Keyword(s):  
Human Dignity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Legislative Process ◽  
Labor Reform ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Guiding Principle ◽  
Rural Worker ◽  
Deductive Method ◽  
The Hours

The present study deals with the impacts of the Labor Reform in the hours "in itinere" for the rural worker, with the objective of demonstrating the lack of representativeness of these workers in the legislative process and their hypersufficiency before employers and State, resulting in the analysis of the profiles of the congressmen of the ruralist groups and their party interests and the rural worker, using as an inductive and hypothetical-deductive method and concluding by the discrepancy between the interests of the workers and the political class, making at least a representation that seeks the protection of human dignity and the guiding principle in the design of projects for the category.

Seizing Power: Conservatives and Congress Since the 1970s

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julian E. Zelizer
Keyword(s):  
Republican Party ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Legislative Process ◽  
Conservative Movement ◽  
American Conservatism ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Decentralization And Centralization ◽  
Political Success

This chapter examines how legislators associated with the conservative movement thrived in a congressional process that liberals had helped to create. It first considers how Congress was reformed in the 1970s, focusing on its transition from the committee era to the contemporary era and how the reform coalition of 1958–1974 helped end the committee era. It then compares the contemporary Congress to the committee-era Congress and how the new legislative process contributed to the fortunes of the conservative movement. It also discusses the decentralization and centralization fostered by congressional reforms, the creation of the Conservative Opportunity Society in 1983 by young mavericks in the Republican Party, congressional conservatives' disappointment with the presidency of George H. W. Bush, and the Republican congressional reforms of 1995. The chapter argues that the state endured despite the political success of American conservatism in Congress.

Introduction: One Hundred Years of Sex

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eva Woods Peiró
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Spanish Cinema ◽  
Close Analysis ◽  
Theoretical Issues

This introductory chapter provides an overview of the periods, genres and key theoretical issues discussed in the book, paying special attention to the political importance of the destape films of the 1970s and the films of the transition more widely. The chapter provides a close analysis of two important erotic comedies. These are used as illustrative examples of the issues discussed throughout the book and of the evolution of eroticism in Spanish cinema since the abolition of censorship until now: Juan Bosch’s Cuarenta años sin sexo/Forty years without sex (1978) and the recent Kiki, el amor se hace/Quickie, Love is So (2016), directed by Paco León.

3.8 The standard layout of a treaty A treaty, like English legislation, has a standard format. At the beginning of the treaty is a preamble setting out the main goals of the treaty and the aspirations of the parties. It is divided into clusters of items dealing with similar matters. Each cluster is called a title (which roughly equates with the division of an English statute into parts). Titles contain numbered items called Articles, each one setting out a basic rule or principle. Articles can be divided into paragraphs and subparagraphs. The numbering system is Arabic and it not as dense and complex as that used by English statutes. Figure 5.3: standard layout of a treaty 5.3.9 How do obligations entered into through treaties become part of English law? If the UK government wishes all, or part of a treaty, to become part of English law it must specifically incorporate the treaty, or part of it, into the English legal system via legislation. This legislation goes through the same procedures as any other piece of legislation. If the government expects the treaty to give rise to a range of other measures over time it will usually place sections in this legislation delegating the authority to make later legal changes to others (such as the minister of appropriate government departments). This saves time as there is no need for the full legislative process in Parliament. Whilst it is still the subject of parliamentary debate, it does have a fast track procedure. In relation to treaties becoming part of English law in this way, there is always the possibility that Parliament may refuse to enact the legislation, which would leave the government in an extremely difficult situation. However, the UK Parliament is usually controlled by the political party forming the government and the government would not risk the embarrassment of failure but would guage its position in Parliament prior to signature of a relevant treaty.

2012 ◽  
pp. 132-133
Keyword(s):  
Basic Rule ◽  
The Political ◽  
Legislative Process ◽  
Difficult Situation ◽  
Standard Format ◽  
Parliamentary Debate ◽  
The Subject ◽  
English Law ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Uk

12. The European Parliament

2019 ◽  
pp. 176-188
Author(s):  
Charlotte Burns
Keyword(s):  
Internal Structure ◽  
European Parliament ◽  
The Political ◽  
Legislative Process ◽  
National Parliaments ◽  
European Elections ◽  
Legislative Power ◽  
European Public ◽  
Political Groups ◽  
Representative Function

This chapter focuses upon the European Parliament (EP), an institution that has seen its power dramatically increase in recent times. The EP has been transformed from being a relatively powerless institution into one that is able to have a genuine say in the legislative process and hold the European Union’s executive bodies (the Commission and Council, introduced in Chapters 9 and 10) to account in a range of policy areas. However, increases in the Parliament’s formal powers have not been matched by an increase in popular legitimacy: turnout in European elections is falling. Thus, while the EP’s legislative power is comparable to that enjoyed by many national parliaments, it has struggled to connect with the wider European public. The chapter explores these issues in detail. In the first section, the EP’s evolution from talking shop to co-legislator is reviewed; its powers and influence are explained in the next section; the EP’s internal structure and organization are then discussed with a focus upon the role and behaviour of the political groups, and finally, the European Parliament’s representative function as the EU’s only directly elected institution is discussed.

“Backstage moments during the campaign”: The interactive use of Instagram by Spanish political leaders

2020 ◽  
pp. 146144482097239
Author(s):  
Antonio Pineda ◽  
Elena Bellido-Pérez ◽  
Ana I Barragán-Romero
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Social Networking Sites ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Strategic Objectives ◽  
Interactive Tools ◽  
Use Of The Internet ◽  
Use Of Social Media ◽  
Regional Elections ◽  
Theoretical Issues

The political use of social media is a well-established field of research. We perform a content analysis of the messages posted on Instagram—one of the fastest growing social networking sites—by the leaders of the four main political parties in Spain, with special emphasis on the interactive use of this platform and the functions played by the posts. The sample of Instagram posts includes a non-election period and a period of regional elections. The results point to a practically irrelevant use of interactive tools, and an emphasis on the self-promotion of leaders and their parties. Accordingly, the data show that Instagram is basically used by Spanish leaders as a supplement to their campaign efforts and strategic objectives. These findings are discussed and linked to broader theoretical issues such as the hypothesis of normalization and the use of the Internet for broadcasting.

Unearthing a Genealogy of Grassroots Economic Development

2020 ◽  
pp. 3-22
Author(s):  
Anne Gessler
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Current Debate ◽  
Racial Justice ◽  
Subject Positions ◽  
Cooperative Movement ◽  
Critical Intervention ◽  
Cooperative Models ◽  
Theoretical Issues

The introduction frames the book as a critical intervention in the current debate about the role of alternative grassroots models in modernizing mainstream political and economic structures. After framing the political and theoretical issues at stake in New Orleans’s cooperative movement, the introduction outlines how historical local cooperatives interact with transnational cooperative principles to improve their community, expand opportunities for civic participation, and reform systems of governance. Each chapter’s case study represents consumer, producer, or distribution cooperatives that manifest different visions of ideal capital-worker relations and are inspired by local and international utopian socialist, Rochdale, and hybrid racial justice cooperative models. Each example is constitutive of black, working-class, female, and immigrant residents particular subject positions and economic needs. Consequently, the book articulates and debates citizens relationship the state, an ideological drama that plays out in the city’s social spaces to either propel or retard larger challenges to capitalism.

From Parliament to Courtroom

2015 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 120-146 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lubomír Kopeček ◽  
Jan Petrov
Keyword(s):  
Transitional Justice ◽  
Judicial Review ◽  
Political System ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
The Political ◽  
Legislative Process ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Lower House ◽  
Strong Position ◽  
The Government

The Czech Constitutional Court has gained a strong position within the political system. This article examines the judicial review of legislation from the point of view of the relation between the court and the parliament. The authors analyze trends in the use of petitions proposing the annulment of statutes, who makes use of the petitions, how successful the petitioners are, and what issues the petitions concern. The article pairs a quantitative view with a qualitative analysis of key selected decisions by the court, especially in the sphere of mega-politics. The authors test whether judicial review of legislation serves as a tool for parliamentary opposition. The results show the decisive effects of a legislative majority in the lower house of the parliament. If the government lacks a majority, the use of judicial review of legislation as an oppositional tool fades. Also important is the weakness of the upper house, which makes senators more likely to resort to using judicial review of legislation. An especially crucial factor is the presence of independent and semi-independent senators who, without broader political backing, see judicial review of legislation as a welcome tool. The most frequent topics of the petitions were transitional justice, social policy, and the legislative process.

The Political Creed of Thomas Cromwell

1956 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 69-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. R. Elton
Keyword(s):  
Political Theory ◽  
Golden Age ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Views ◽  
The Law ◽  
Theoretical Issues

TWO views are current concerning the political views of Thomas Cromwell. One—the more common—holds that he believed in absolute monarchy and desired to establish it in England. The Abbé Constant, summarizing (as was his wont) other people's views in language free from other people's reservations, stated it most starkly: he thought that Cromwell aimed at making Henry ‘tout-puissant’ and that his ministry was the golden age of Tudor despotism. Quite recently, an ingenious theory, buttressed with a misunderstood document, based itself on this general conviction. This view has suffered curiously little from the growing realization that the Henrician Reformation rested on conscious co-operation with Parliament and that the propagandists of the time never produced a theory of absolute monarchy. Pollard, the defender of Henry VIII's constitutionalism, seems to have held that, though the king had no ambitions for a genuine despotism, Cromwell certainly harboured such ideas. The other view, recently given support by Dr. Parker, holds that Cromwell did not bother at all about theoretical issues, that his ‘resolutely Philistine type of mind’ despised political theory, and that he never thought beyond the establishment of a sovereign monarchy. Thus, too, Mr. Baumer thought that Cromwell saw in Parliament ‘only a means of executing the royal will’, but also that he ‘had no theoretical views whatever about the relation of the king to the law’—passages hard to reconcile but suggestive of Dr. Parker's views rather than M. Constant's.

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