The Origins of Early Christian Graphic Signs

Author(s):  
Ildar Garipzanov

The first two sections delineate the early history of the nomina sacra, staurogram, and chi-rho, from the late first to third centuries AD as well as relevant early Christian discourse on the symbolic meanings of certain letters and graphic signs, and show how the staurogram and chi-rho developed from utilitarian abbreviation signs into symbolic visual proxies for God and Christological concepts. The next two sections provide an overview of the use of graphic signs as protective seals among various religious communities, with reference to artefacts such as the Bruce Codex and votive leaves from Water Newton, and compare the early usage of more acceptable Christian signs with the concurrent culture of the so-called ‘magical’ characteres. The final section underscores that the early development of Christian graphicacy should be seen in the context of a general predilection for apotropaic graphic devices in the Imperial period, and in late antiquity in particular.

Author(s):  
Ildar Garipzanov

The first section provides a synopsis of early Christian discourse on the symbolism of the cross, and emphasizes the importance of the emergence and the dissemination of the cult of the Holy Cross for the increasing public profile of the cross sign in late Roman culture from the mid-fourth century onwards. The second section overviews the appropriation of this sign by Theodosian empresses and emperors as a major imperial symbol of authority, and its rise to paramount importance for imperial culture in the course of the fifth and sixth centuries. The final section underscores beliefs in the apotropaic power of the sign of the cross as an important factor contributing to its growing popularity in late antiquity. It also points out that in this function the sign of the cross was similar to other apotropaic devices, alongside which this sign was often employed in textual amulets and ritual practices.


1968 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 6-18 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. H. Sadler

In ‘A Modern View of Lunar Distances’ (Journal, 19, 131) H.M. Nautical Almanac Office has already covered most of the technical aspects of the method of lunar distances which the Almanac made practicable; in ‘The Foundation and Early Development of the Nautical Almanac’ (Journal, 18, 391), Dr. E. G. Forbes has given a scholarly, fully documented, account of the early history of the Almanac; and Mr. Sadler himself has written many articles on various aspects of the bicentenary. This general account, which necessarily must duplicate parts of these articles, is directed as far as practicable to those aspects that are likely to be of greatest interest to members of the Institute not technically concerned with astronomical navigation. The paper was presented, in an abridged version, at the Annual General Meeting on 25 October 1967.


1983 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 210-218 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carol C. Nadelson

This paper reviews some of the major theoretical perspectives and recent data pertaining to the psychology of women. In the first section, the author presents classical psychoanalytic theory and reviews the reconsiderations and critiques which were important factors from the early history of psychoanalysis, and continue today. The second section considers whether there are sex differences in psychopathology and, after concluding that there is evidence for this conclusion in some areas, the author presents the various arguments which have been constructed to explain these observations. The final section discusses implications for psychotherapeutic interventions with women. The questions of whether there are benefits or problems in choosing male versus female therapists, and the special aspects of treating women in a current socio-cultural context are elucidated.


Traditio ◽  
1967 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 1-13 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Block Friedman

The ingenuity of early Christian artisans in turning a host of pagan symbols and images to the service of a new ideology is one of the most conspicuous features of Christian art during the second and third centuries after Christ. It is responsible for the art of the catacombs in which Orpheus the charmer of wild beasts represents Christ the Good Shepherd, and the eagle, peacock, Dionysiac grapes, sun, stars, and other pagan funerary symbols of long standing express the state of the Christian soul after death. Yet as Christianity grew stronger in the Roman empire, as councils were held and creeds formulated, and as a distinctively Christian view of history evolved in which Old Testament figures replaced pagan heroes, we find a curious lag in the visual arts. The old pagan imagery continues to appear in Christian funerary monuments, often in conjunction with newer, wholly Christian, motifs, but significantly not replaced by them. This phenomenon is not due simply to the conservatism of the artisans, but owes much to the vigor of the old motifs and the persistence of the ideas they represented. It also points up the fundamental difference between a verbal statement, made up of words which may be freely rearranged and whose connotations shift mercurially from year to year, and a visual statement, which is less flexible and able to retain its symbolic appeal for a very long time. The difference, practically a commonplace in the study of the history of ideas, is nonetheless often overlooked in the study of the ideas and motifs of late antiquity, when words and pictures ostensibly representing the same ideas were often straining in opposite directions. Thus, while the Councils of Ephesus and Chalcedon sought to settle for all time the relation between the human and divine in the person of Jesus, Christian artisans were still depicting Christ the Good Shepherd in the aspect of Orpheus.


Author(s):  
Anna Marmodoro ◽  
Irini-Fotini Viltanioti

This volume explores how some of the most prominent philosophers and theologians of late antiquity conceptualize the idea that the divine is powerful. The period under consideration spans roughly four centuries (from the first to the fifth CE), which are of particular interest because they ‘witness’ the successive development and mutual influence of two major strands in the history of Western thought: Neoplatonism on the one hand, and early Christian thought on the other. Representatives of Neoplatonism considered in this volume are Plotinus (...


Author(s):  
Maxwell E. Johnson

Contrary to the assumptions often held by previous scholars, contemporary liturgical scholarship is coming increasingly to realize and emphasize that Christian worship was diverse even in its biblical and apostolic origins, multi- rather than monolinear in its development, and closely related to the several cultural, linguistic, geographical, and theological expressions and orientations of distinct churches throughout the early centuries of Christianity. Apart from some rather broad (but significant) commonalities discerned throughout various churches in antiquity, the traditions of worship during the first three centuries of the common era were rather diverse in content and interpretation, depending upon where individual practices are to be located. Indeed, already in this era, together with the diversity of Christologies, ecclesiologies, and, undoubtedly, liturgical practices encountered in the New Testament itself, the early history of the “tradition” of Christian worship is, simultaneously, the early history of the developing liturgical traditions of several differing Christian communities and language groups: Armenian, Syrian, Greek, Coptic, and Latin, We should not, then, expect to find only one so-called “apostolic” liturgical tradition, practice or theology surviving in this period before the Council of Nicea (325 ce) but, rather, great diversity both within the rites themselves as well as in their theological interpretations. This essay highlights the principal occasions for Christian worship in the first three centuries for which the textual and liturgical evidence is most abundant: Christian initiation, the eucharistic liturgy with its central anaphoral prayer, daily prayer (the liturgy of the hours), and the feasts and seasons of the liturgical year.


Reproduction ◽  
2002 ◽  
pp. 181-196 ◽  
Author(s):  
BD Bavister

Although in vitro fertilization (IVF) is used widely for a variety of purposes, it is often not appreciated how this technology was developed. A large number of experiments beginning in 1878 contributed to the first successful reports of IVF over 75 years later. The discovery of sperm capacitation in 1951 was central to the development of IVF technology, and it was rapidly followed by the first convincing reports of IVF in several species. The ability to fertilize oocytes in vitro has allowed major advances to be made into understanding the mechanisms involved in fertilization and early development, and IVF now supports reproductive biotechnology in animals and in humans. This article is a historical review of key experiments that helped to provide the basis for present day IVF procedures, placed into context with current practice.


AJS Review ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-113 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam H. Becker

Now is an appropriate time to reconsider the historiographical benefit that a comparative study of the East Syrian (“Nestorian”) schools and the Babylonian rabbinic academies may offer. This is attributable both to the recent, rapid increase in scholarship on Jewish–Christian relations in the Roman Empire and late antiquity more broadly, and to the return by some scholars of rabbinic Judaism to the issues of a scholarly exchange of the late 1970s and early 1980s about the nature of rabbinic academic institutionalization. Furthermore, over the past twenty years, scholars of classics, Greek and Roman history, and late antiquity have significantly added to the bibliography on the transmission of knowledge—in lay person's terms, education—in the Greco-Roman and early Christian worlds. Schools continue to be an intense topic of conversation, and my own recent work on the School of Nisibis and the East Syrian schools in general suggests that the transformations and innovations of late antiquity also occurred in the Sasanian Empire, at a great distance from the centers of classical learning, such as Athens, Alexandria, and Antioch. The recently reexamined East Syrian sources may help push the conversation about rabbinic academic institutionalization forward. However, the significance of this issue is not simply attributable to its bearing on the social and institutional history of rabbinic institutions. Such inquiry may also reflect on how we understand the Babylonian Talmud and on the difficult redaction history of its constituent parts. Furthermore, I hope that the discussion offered herein will contribute to the ongoing analysis of the late antique creation and formalization of cultures of learning, which were transmitted, in turn, into the Eastern (i.e., Islamic and “Oriental” Christian and Jewish) and Western Middle Ages within their corresponding communities.


1992 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 151-190 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Jeffery

The medieval chant traditions of the Eastern and Western churches can generally be traced back to about the tenth century, when the earliest surviving notated manuscripts were created. In these earliest sources, the various traditions are already distinct from each other and fully formed, each with thousands of chants that are assigned to at least eight modes and belong to dozens of melody types or families, carefully distributed across the daily, weekly and annual cycles of a complicated liturgical calendar. Yet we have hardly any information at all as to how these traditions evolved into the highly complex state in which we first find them. Where did they come from and when did they originate? How and when did they achieve the relatively fixed form in which we know them? Questions such as these have been important in chant research during the last thirty years, ever since Willi Apel outlined what he called ‘the “central” problem of the chant, that is, the question concerning its origin and development’. But attempts to investigate these questions have often been conceived too narrowly, overlooking as much evidence as they include or more. For instance, many scholars have written about ‘the central problem’ as if it belonged mainly to Gregorian chant and its close relative, the Old Roman or special Urban repertory, when in fact the origins and early history of almost every tradition of Eastern and Western chant are equally obscure.


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