Introduction

Author(s):  
Mathias Kende

The Introduction contains an executive summary of the book. It also encompasses some background highlighting the rationale for the book, detailing the still persistent lack of comprehensive academic literature on the TPRM and the need for further research with regard to the TPRM, both as an ‘understudied’ WTO entity and as a prime example of a mechanism for peer review, and an explanation with regard to the methodology, which aims to assess the TPRM’s historic and actual performance as the WTO’s system for peer review through a specific focus (1) on the implementation of the TPRM’s objectives (transparency and naming and shaming); (2) its evolving structures, thereby focusing on individual TPRs and on the yearly Overviews of Developments in the International Trading Environment; and (3) its participants, the government under review and its peers, the WTO Secretariat, and the discussant(s)).

Author(s):  
Mathias Kende

This chapter covers the historical development of the WTO’s mechanism for peer review. It examines the conceptual development of peer review and distils typical core elements (objectives, structure, and participants) by looking at the IMF, the OECD, the FSB, the APRM, the UPR, and the UNFCCC and its Kyoto Protocol. These elements are then applied to analyse the historical advent of the TPRM. The analysis also covers the first five appraisals of the TPRM (1999, 2005, 2008, 2011, and 2013). For each of these, it examines the TPRM’s objectives (including its implementation of the naming and shaming objective and potential link(s) with the Dispute Settlement Body), its structure (focusing on individual reviews and on the yearly overviews of developments in the international trading environment), and on its participants (focusing on governmental attendance and participation rates, the evolving capacities of the WTO secretariat, and on the attitudes of discussants).


2021 ◽  
pp. 025609092110154
Author(s):  
Sundar Balakrishna ◽  
Vineet Virmani

Executive Summary This study presents evidence on time discount rate of forest-dependent communities (FDCs) in the backdrop of the joint forest management program launched by the Government of India in 1990. The study uses data from two regions of the Indian state of Andhra Pradesh—Rayalaseema (a relatively dry forest region with low income) and the coastal region (relatively fertile forest and with higher income). We also identify socio-economic determinants of their patience levels and factors which distinguish the two regions. To elicit individual discount rates of FDCs members and their determinants, we use the choice task design methodology. Members from both regions were found to be highly impatient using the standard choice task design with the revealed time discount rate averaging 800% per annum. Members of FDCs from Rayalaseema were more impatient than their counterparts from the coastal region, although the statistical evidence is weak. We find no association between the income of members of FDCs and their time discount rate for both regions. Membership to caste categories showed a different response in both the regions, with members from the Scheduled Caste category and Other Backward Classes found to have a lower discount rate than those from the Scheduled Tribes category of Rayalaseema region and vice versa for the coastal region. For the coastal region, those with larger family size and heads of households were found to have a lower discount rate.


Author(s):  
Louis Helps

As part of an international trend in regional policy development towards “mainstreaming” rural issues, multiple national and regional governments have created policy lenses designed to ensure that legislation is formed with the needs of rural areas taken into account. Despite a relative lack of academic research on the effectiveness of rural lenses, the idea has been imported to multiple jurisdictions, including several Canadian provinces. This presentation will offer a comparative overview of rural lenses in jurisdictions in Europe and North America in order to achieve a better understanding of their commonalities and divergences in methods, circumstances, and effectiveness. The presentation will make use of a review of the government and academic literature conducted for an upcoming working paper by Louis Helps and Dr. Ryan Gibson. This research is the foundation of a larger project that will seek to understand the feasibility of implementing rural lenses at the provincial level in Canada.


Author(s):  
Michael P Broache ◽  
Kate Cronin-Furman

Abstract Preventing and mitigating mass atrocities is a critical challenge in international security. But international interventions to stop mass atrocities have met with mixed success, and the academic literature offers limited guidance on how to improve this record. We argue that more attention must be paid to the nature of violence, specifically whether violence targets identity groups as such or political opponents of the perpetrator more broadly. Using Krain's (2017) data on interventions and mass atrocities, we test for heterogeneous effects of interventions by violence type. We find that while antiperpetrator military interventions can reduce the severity of identity-based violence, nonmilitary actions have negligible effects. By contrast, in cases of politicide, “naming and shaming” is effective, while military intervention is not; neutral and properpetrator military interventions and economic sanctions are ineffective regardless of violence type. We conclude that intervention strategies should be more narrowly tailored on the basis of violence type.


2019 ◽  
Vol 250 ◽  
pp. R47-R53
Author(s):  
Tim Besley ◽  
Richard Davies

Executive SummaryAlongside the challenge of maintaining economic competitiveness in the face of great uncertainty, Brexit brings an opportunity for the government to set out a new industrial strategy. The case for doing so rests on the need to address areas of persistent structural weakness in the UK economy, including low productivity. But it is important that any new industrial strategy be based on appropriately granular data reflecting the real structure of the UK corporate sector: the overwhelmingly preponderant role of services as opposed to manufacturing, for example; the importance of young, fast-growing firms as opposed to SMEs; the relatively high failure rate of companies in the UK; and the relative lack of successful mid-sized firms. Such a data-driven approach might spawn an industrial strategy quite different from the piecemeal programmes of recent years.Internationally, the UK is a laggard in this area, and the recently-created Industrial Strategy Council does not look strong enough to change that position. To move forward, the government needs to make industrial strategy a central plank of economic policy, embedded at the heart of the administration with its own staff and funding, and operations based on a comprehensive review of the economic contribution and potential of various types of firm. Needless to say, it cannot be a substitute for a continuing commitment to competition and markets, or a stalking horse for protectionism: interventions should be justified by carefully-argued market failure arguments, be time-limited, and transparently evaluated.


2019 ◽  
Vol 250 ◽  
pp. R30-R33
Author(s):  
Alexis P. Lautenberg

Executive SummaryServices are simultaneously the most important sector of the UK economy and the sector facing the biggest challenge as a result of Brexit. The prospective departure from the European Single Market reduces the UK to the status of ‘3rd country’ in respect of services. Accessing the internal market will depend on both subjective and objective conditions that differ from sector to sector, requiring detailed and highly specific arrangements for such industries as aviation and financial services.In practice, the EU can be expected to use these circumstances to discourage the UK from significantly diverging from European regulatory norms, as a matter of policy. In view of the weakness of, and uncertainty surrounding, international moves to oversee, let alone to further liberalise, trade in services, Brexit will thus leave the UK's services sector – and especially financial services – uniquely isolated and exposed. The government will hence need to consider carefully the costs of decisions to diverge from EU regulatory standards, and should be giving great priority to establishing clear objectives for close cooperation between the UK and the EU policy makers and regulators.


Subject The United Kingdom's new cybersecurity strategy. Significance The UK government on November 1 published its Cybersecurity Strategy for 2016-21. The new strategy doubles the previous investment in cyber to 1.9 billion pounds (2.4 billion dollars) during a time of government cutbacks, making it clear that the government regards cybersecurity as a priority. Impacts Despite serious investment, the government will still face a challenge in recruiting those with the required cyber skills. Given the expertise in the private sector, public-private partnerships will continue to be vital for protecting UK networks. ‘Naming and shaming’ cyber aggressors may become more prevalent as states seek to deter further cyberattacks. Governments may also increasingly focus on developing offensive cyber tools that can be used to counter-strike.


2020 ◽  
pp. 333-341
Author(s):  
Tamás Zoltán Wágner

Nowadays, many multinationals use tax avoidance strategies in order to minimise their tax liability. They often cooperate with governments providing them preferential treatment. These low-tax jurisdictions called tax havens pose a threat for world economy because they result in huge budgetary loss for countries. Even the European Union has its own tax havens which contribute to the loss of 250 billion euros annually. It is more than 2% of the Union’s GNP. Despite the apparent negative evidences, several member states’ tax system still contains favourable provisions for multinationals. Although, almost everybody would mention the Benelux states first, but many multinationals utilize the loopholes of the Irish tax system. In this regard, it is enough to refer to the Apple case where the European Commission ordered the recuperation of 13 billion euros from the company due to illegal state aid. Hence, we conducted a research based on academic literature and case-law. After a short introduction and dealing with the European Commission’s response to tax avoidance, we analyse the Irish tax system. The main goal was to demonstrate that Ireland – despite the denial of the respective authorities – was a tax haven. Our study proves that multinationals could use almost freely several tax optimisation strategies (e.g. Double Irish and Dutch Sandwich) up to now. Due to strong criticism and scandals the government had to amend the former tax regime, but it does not mean that preferential treatment is abolished. Ireland still should be considered a tax haven.


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