Emerging powers coalitions

Author(s):  
Cassandra Sweet

Theory on how developing countries gain leverage at international trade emphasizes the importance of ‘coalitions’. This chapter examines the strategies pursued by India and Brazil in the latest rounds of World Trade Organization negotiations, focusing on discussions in Bali (2013) and Nairobi (2015). This chapter comes to terms with the fragility of ‘emerging powers’ alliances, examining the ability of India and Brazil to advance common projects in multilateral negotiation and bilateral trade cooperation. A decade ago a resurgence of key developing countries led many scholars to suggest a rebalancing in the politics of global trade governance. A more critical view on the reach of rising powers’ influence is presented, showing how areas for developing countries cooperation today no longer hinge on broad political coalitions or terms of tariff reduction, but micro-level policy issues regarding local food stocks policies, regulatory practices, and intellectual property.

2010 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 23-44
Author(s):  
Ruzita Mohd. Amin

The World Trade Organization (WTO), established on 1 January 1995 as a successor to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), has played an important role in promoting global free trade. The implementation of its agreements, however, has not been smooth and easy. In fact this has been particularly difficult for developing countries, since they are expected to be on a level playing field with the developed countries. After more than a decade of existence, it is worth looking at the WTO’s impact on developing countries, particularly Muslim countries. This paper focuses mainly on the performance of merchandise trade of Muslim countries after they joined the WTO. I first analyze their participation in world merchandise trade and highlight their trade characteristics in general. This is then followed by a short discussion on the implications of WTO agreements on Muslim countries and some recommendations on how to face this challenge.


Author(s):  
Carsten Herrmann-Pillath

Based on Rodrik’s diagnosis of a “globalization trilemma” in designing the institutions of international economic exchange, this chapter suggests a solution that applies Sen’s argument favoring realization-focused comparisons over transcendental institutionalism in evaluating institutions. In the paradigm of deliberative trade policy, this contribution approaches the World Trade Organization (WTO) as a regime of deliberation, reaching beyond the scope of interactions with civil society. This prepares the ground for normative principles of WTO reform that shift the emphasis from efficiency to justice, mainly in the procedural sense. The central operational criterion is the inclusiveness of international trade and trade policy. This is applied on the issues of multilateralism versus regionalism and the design of the dispute settlement process. A WTO renewed under the auspices of deliberative trade policy can meet the challenges of new trade policy issues such as coordination of regulatory regimes under the conditions of rapid and unpredictable technological change, and can resolve the tension between democracy and globalization as laid out in the globalization trilemma.


2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 389-416
Author(s):  
Andrew D Mitchell ◽  
Neha Mishra

Abstract While the free cross-border movement of data is essential to many aspects of international trade, several countries have imposed restrictions on these data flows. The pre-internet rules of the World Trade Organization (`WTO') discipline some of these restrictions, but they are insufficient. Unfortunately, so are the electronic commerce chapters in modern preferential trade agreements. This article argues that reformed WTO rules, which take account of the policy challenges of the data-driven economy, are required. These reforms would facilitate internet openness while ensuring consumer and business trust, promoting digital inclusion of developing countries, and incorporating clear exceptions for legitimate domestic policies.


Author(s):  
RamMohan R. Yallapragada ◽  
Ron M. Sardessai ◽  
Madhu R. Paruchuri

In July 2004, 147 World Trade Organization (WTO) member countries met in Geneva where the developed countries agreed to cut back and eventually eliminate an estimated $350 billion of their farm and export subsidies. The accord was hammered out by five WTO members including India and Brazil and submitted to the WTOs plenary session where it was finally ratified on July 31, 2004. The Fifth Ministerial Conference of the World Trade Organization held in Cancun in September 2003 collapsed from inside as internal squabbles and irreconcilable philosophical differences developed between the developed countries and the developing countries. The WTO, which started with noble objectives of raising the global standards of living through international trade agreements and cooperation among the WTO member countries, appeared to be teetering on the verge of a complete collapse. Over the past decade, through five ministerial conferences, the WTO member countries gradually got polarized into two main blocks, the haves and the have nots, the developed countries and the still developing countries respectively. One of the important items of contention was the issue of reduction and elimination of the huge farm subsidies in the European Union (EU) and the United States (US). At the 2003 WTO conference in Cancun, 21 of the developing countries formed a group, known as G-21 initiated under the leadership of Brazil and India, and insisted on discussions for elimination of the farm subsidies of the EU-US combine. The EU and US governments give billions of dollars worth of agricultural and export subsidies annually to their farmers that allow them to have a competitive advantage in international markets in effect preventing agricultural producers in developing countries from having access to global markets. The EU delegates insisted that the four Singapore issues must be dealt with first before including any discussions on the issues of farm subsidies on the agenda. The G-21 over night swelled into G-70. The developing countries refused to be pushed into a corner and have proved that they are now a force to reckon with. The WTO Cancun conference came to a dramatic end without any agreement, leaving the negotiations in a deadlock. At the historic July 2004 WTO negotiations in Geneva, an accord has been reached under which the developed countries agreed to reduce and eventually eliminate their export and farm subsidies. The developing countries also agreed to lower their tariffs on imports from EU-US and other developed countries. The accord is expected to pave the way for the resumption of the WTO Doha Round of multilateral negotiations to liberalize world trade.


2009 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 395-409
Author(s):  
HANS MAHNCKE

Globalization, as evidenced in increased trade, economic development, and the emergence of new global powers, has meant that the world economy has undergone significant changes over the past two decades. The World Trade Organization (WTO) is more than a potent representation of these developments, it is often seen, along with its predecessor, the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), as having enabled the process of globalization. However, there are profound concerns about what lies ahead in an increasingly complex economic and regulatory setting, in particular for developing countries (DCs).


2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Fatma Muthia Kinanti

Perdagangan bebas menjadi isu yang semakin menguat dalam pergaulan global saat ini. Berbagai perjanjian baik multilateral, regional dan bilateral yang mengatur mengenai penekanan hambatan perdagangan semakin banyak. WTO sebagai peraturan induk dan merupakan sumber hukum utama dari perdagangan bebas telah berjalan selama lebih dari satu dekade. Sejak pembentukan WTO terbukti bahwa partisipas masyarakat internasional dalam perdagangan global semakin meningkat. Namun, beberapa kritik muncul terutama dari negara berkembang yang merasa belum mendapatkan manfaat dari perdagangan bebas. Isu ini kemudian muncul dalam negosiasi WTO yang menghasilkan konsep Special and Differential Treatment (SDT) yang diadopsi dalam ketentuan-ketentuan WTO. Penelitian ini mengangkat tema besar mengenai ketentuan-ketentuan dan kerjasama WTO yang mencerminkan perdagangan bebas dan kaitannya dengan negara berkembang. Beberapa hal yang disorot adalah bagaimana pengaturan dalam WTO terkait perlakuan berbeda (Special and Differentiated Treatment) yang diberikan kepada negara-negara berkembang. Selain itu penelitian ini difokuskan juga untuk menganalisis diferensiasi antara negara-negara berkembang dalam WTO. Kemudian, analisis difokuskan terhadap peran dan dampak Doha Development dan Bali Round terkait negara berkembang terutama di sektor agrikultur dan dampak adanya diferensiasi dari negara berkembang.<br /><br />Free trade is an issue that has gained strength in today’s global society. Various multilateral treaties, regional and bilateral governing the suppression of trade barriers more. WTO as a central rule and is the main legal source of free trade has been running for more than a decade. Since the establishment of the WTO proved that the participation and the international community in global trade is increasing. However, some criticism arose primarily from developing countries that have not benefited from free trade. This issue arises in WTO negotiations that resulted in the concept of Special and Differential Treatment (SDT), which was adopted in the WTO provisions. This study raised the major themes of the provisions of the WTO and cooperation that reflects the free trade and its relation to developing countries. Some of the things highlighted was how the settings related to differential treatment in the WTO granted to developing countries. In addition, research is focused also to analyze the differentiation between developing countries in the WTO. Then, the analysis focused on the role and impact of the Doha Development Round and Bali related to developing countries, particularly in the agricultural sector and the impact of the differentiation of developing countries.<br /><br />


2004 ◽  
Vol 20 ◽  
pp. 95-111
Author(s):  
Jose L. Tongzon

The World Trade Organization (WTO) (formerly GATT) was established primarily to achieve free trade across the globe based on the principle of non-discrimination and the process of multilateral trade negotiations. The fact that most countries are members of WTO reflects the worldwide belief in the benefits of a global free trade. Despite its achievements since the first round of multilateral trade negotiations was held, the effectiveness of the process has been called into question. Most WTO members are now proposing new regional trading arrangements (RTAs), such as free trade agreements (FTAs). What implication does these RTAs have for the WTO and ASEAN countries? Should ASEAN countries give regionalism priority over the WTO-based multilateral approach? To answer this questions, this paper will first summarize the motivations behind the formation of RTAs before presenting the merits and demerits of RTAs as an approach to achieve universal free trade and maximize developing countries' welfare. It is argued that despite its inherent limitations it is important for ASEAN countries to remain primarily committed to the principles of WTO and the process of multilateral trade negotiations.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document