Voter Behaviour

2020 ◽  
pp. 132-154
Author(s):  
Lori Thorlakson
Keyword(s):  
Party System ◽  
Economic Voting ◽  
System Level ◽  
Linkage Mechanism ◽  
Political Behaviour ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Level Data ◽  
Accountability Mechanism ◽  
Multi Level ◽  
High Degree

How do party organizational and party system linkages help us understand how voters treat multi-level contexts? It is commonly argued that federal contexts disrupt the accountability mechanism. Do certain institutional designs of federalism affect this? Institutional designs that maximize the autonomy of each level of government should preserve the clarity of responsibility more than institutional designs that create a high degree of interdependence between levels of government. The existence of other forms of political linkage, at the party organizational and party system level, should also affect the emergence of linked political behaviour. This chapter tests whether this prediction holds using aggregate-level electoral data to identify barometer voting and subnational economic voting effects across seven multi-level systems. It then uses individual-level data to more closely examine how and when partisanship serves as a linkage mechanism in the case of Canada.

The influence of immigrant status and concentration on psychiatric disorder in Canada: a multi-level analysis

2011 ◽  
Vol 41 (10) ◽  
pp. 2221-2231 ◽  
Author(s):  
N. M. Menezes ◽  
K. Georgiades ◽  
M. H. Boyle
Keyword(s):  
Psychiatric Disorder ◽  
First Generation ◽  
Psychotic Disorders ◽  
Individual Risk ◽  
Immigrant Status ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Level Data ◽  
Immigrant Concentration ◽  
Multi Level ◽  
Neighborhood Level

BackgroundMany studies have reported an increased incidence of psychiatric disorder (particularly psychotic disorders) among first generation adult immigrants, along with an increasing risk for ethnic minorities living in low-minority concentration neighborhoods. These studies have depended mostly on European case-based databases. In contrast, North American studies have suggested a lower risk for psychiatric disorder in immigrants, although the effect of neighborhood immigrant concentration has not been studied extensively.MethodUsing multi-level modeling to disaggregate individual from area-level influences, this study examines the influence of first generation immigrant status at the individual level, immigrant concentration at the neighborhood-level and their combined effect on 12-month prevalence of mood, anxiety and substance-dependence disorders and lifetime prevalence of psychotic disorder, among Canadians.ResultsIndividual-level data came from the Canadian Community Health Survey (CCHS) 1.2, a cross-sectional study of psychiatric disorder among Canadians over the age of 15 years; the sample for analysis wasn=35 708. The CCHS data were linked with neighborhood-level data from the Canadian Census 2001 for multi-level logistic regression. Immigrant status was associated with a lower prevalence of psychiatric disorder, with an added protective effect for immigrants living in neighborhoods with higher immigrant concentrations. Immigrant concentration was not associated with elevated prevalence of psychiatric disorder among non-immigrants.ConclusionsThe finding of lower 12-month prevalence of psychiatric disorder in Canadian immigrants, with further lessening as the neighborhood immigrant concentration increases, reflects a model of person–environment fit, highlighting the importance of studying individual risk factors within environmental contexts.

Incumbent Tenure Crowds Out Economic Voting

2019 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Martin Vinæs Larsen
Keyword(s):  
Economic Voting ◽  
Local Economy ◽  
Government Support ◽  
Economic Conditions ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Growing Stock ◽  
Country Level ◽  
Level Data ◽  
Economic Vote ◽  
The Government

AbstractDoes the importance of the economy change during a government's time in office? Governments arguably become more responsible for current economic conditions as their tenure progresses. This might lead voters to hold experienced governments more accountable for economic conditions. However, voters also accumulate information about governments' competence over time. If voters are Bayesian learners, then this growing stock of information should crowd out the importance of current economic conditions. This article explores these divergent predictions about the relationship between tenure and the economic vote using three datasets. First, using country-level data from a diverse set of elections, the study finds that support for more experienced governments is less dependent on economic growth. Secondly, using individual-level data from sixty election surveys covering ten countries, the article shows that voters' perceptions of the economy have a greater impact on government support when the government is inexperienced. Finally, the article examines a municipal reform in Denmark that assigned some voters to new local incumbents and finds that these voters responded more strongly to the local economy. In conclusion, all three studies point in the same direction: economic voting decreases with time in office.

On the Issues Surrounding Economic Voting

1987 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-33 ◽  
Author(s):  
JOHN R. HIBBING
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
Voting Behavior ◽  
Economic Voting ◽  
The United States ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Level Data ◽  
Election Results ◽  
The Individual

This is an analysis of the effects of economic factors on voting behavior in the United Kingdom. Aggregate- and individual-level data are used. When the results are compared to findings generated by the United States case, some intriguing differences appear. To mention just two examples, unemployment and inflation seem to be much more important in the United Kingdom than in the United States, and changes in real per capita income are positively related to election results in the United States and negatively related in the United Kingdom. More generally, while the aggregate results are strong and the individual-level results weak in the United States, in the United Kingdom the situation is practically reversed.

School variation in offending: A macro-level strain approach

2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (6) ◽  
pp. 701-722
Author(s):  
Julia Sandahl
Keyword(s):  
School Level ◽  
Macro Level ◽  
Special Focus ◽  
Confounding Effect ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Violent Offending ◽  
Level Data ◽  
Multi Level ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The City

This study employs Macro-level Strain Theory (MST) as a framework to provide a better understanding of the way in which the structural and social context of Stockholm schools covaries with self-reported violent and general offending. The findings contribute to the literature in this area by directing a special focus at the interplay between the theory’s macro-level components and some individual-level mechanisms that may be assumed to condition the effect of strain on offending. Using multi-level data on 4789 students nested in 82 schools (violent offending) and 4643 students nested in 83 schools (general offending) in the City of Stockholm, the study notes significant contextual effects of anger, meaninglessness and life dissatisfaction on offending. School-level deprivation appears to have a confounding effect on the relationship between school-contextual negative affect and offending. Further, school-contextual anger influences some individuals more than others. Implications of these findings are discussed.

Literacy, Information, and Party System Fragmentation in India

2017 ◽  
Vol 51 (5) ◽  
pp. 555-586
Author(s):  
Arturas Rozenas ◽  
Anoop Sadanandan
Keyword(s):  
Party System ◽  
Strategic Voting ◽  
Access To Information ◽  
Aggregate Level ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Common Information ◽  
Voting Rule ◽  
Level Data ◽  
Duverger's Law ◽  
Individual Information

A rich theoretical literature argues that, in contradiction to Duverger’s law, the plurality voting rule can fail to produce two-party system when voters do not share their common information about the electoral situation. We present an empirical operationalization and a series of tests of this informational hypothesis in the case of India using constituency- and individual-level data. In highly illiterate constituencies where access to information and information sharing among voters is low, voters often fail to coordinate on the two most viable parties. In highly literate constituencies, voters are far more successful at avoiding vote-wasting—in line with the informational hypothesis. At a microlevel, these aggregate-level patterns are driven by the interaction of individual information and the informational context: In dense informational environments, even low-information voters can successfully identify viable parties and vote for them, but in sparse informational environments, individual access to information is essential for successful strategic voting.

scholarly journals The Structure of Party Competition in the South: The Case of Florida

2004 ◽  
Vol 25 ◽  
pp. 41-65
Author(s):  
Jonathan Knuckey
Keyword(s):  
New Deal ◽  
Party System ◽  
Electoral Politics ◽  
Party Competition ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Level Data ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The New Deal ◽  
Important State ◽  
Weak Party

Although Florida has evolved from a one-party system into an intensely competitive two-party system, many studies of the state’s partisan and electoral politics continue to stress the importance of candidate-centered voting and weak party attachments, characteristics of a dealigned party system. This paper argues that such conclusions, based primarily on studies that employ individual-level data, are misleading. The paper examines the structure of the party vote across different political offices utilizing aggregate-level election returns at the county level through principal components factor analysis. Findings indicate that the New Deal vote alignment was disrupted at the presidential level in the 1960s, and a new stable alignment emerged in 1972. Consistent with the notion of a “top-down” or “creeping” realignment, the Post-New Deal alignment penetrated elections for U.S. Senate and governor from 1986 onwards, but came to structure cabinet office elections more gradually, with a culmination of this realignment in the 1990s. Overall, the paper argues that studies relying exclusively on individual-level data to examine Florida’s partisan and electoral politics have overlooked a great deal of structure and stability underlying the vote in this politically important state.

scholarly journals Why vote when you cannot choose? EU intervention and political participation in times of constraint

2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 406-428
Author(s):  
Stuart J Turnbull-Dugarte
Keyword(s):  
Empirical Support ◽  
European Social Survey ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Negative Consequences ◽  
Political Behaviour ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Policy Alternatives ◽  
Level Data ◽  
Negative Effect ◽  
The Impact

This article analyses how economic intervention affects individuals’ political behaviour by assessing the impact of intervention on aggregate and individual turnout. The intervention of the European Union in a selection of member states is viewed as having negative consequences for democratic choice, reducing the ability of voters to select between distinct policy alternatives, resulting in the absence of the primary benefit of voting: choice. It is argued that when voters are faced with electoral choices without the ability to shape policy alternatives, they are less likely to vote. Moreover, the negative effect of intervention is found to be conditioned by both individuals’ level of education and ideological identification. Voters on the centre and the left who feel abandoned by left-leaning parties, who have prioritised being responsible to their European paymasters, are significantly more likely to abstain when exposed to intervention. Empirical support for the argument is found via the analysis of aggregate turnout as well as individual level data from the European Social Survey from across fifteen Western European states.

scholarly journals Patterns and Predictors of Tic Suppressibility in Youth with Tic Disorders

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christine A. Conelea ◽  
Brianna Wellen BA ◽  
Douglas W. Woods ◽  
Deanna J. Greene ◽  
Kevin J. Black ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Individual Variability ◽  
Tic Disorders ◽  
Tic Disorder ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Level Data ◽  
Tic Suppression ◽  
Premonitory Urge ◽  
High Degree ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Medication Status

AbstractBackground: Tic suppression is the primary target of tic disorder treatment, but factors that influence voluntary tic inhibition are not well understood. Several studies using the Tic Suppression Task have demonstrated significant inter-individual variability in tic suppressibility but have individually been underpowered to address correlates of tic suppression. The present study explored patterns and clinical correlates of tic suppression in youth with tic disorders using a large, pooled dataset.Methods: Individual-level data from 9 studies using the Tic Suppression Task were pooled, yielding a sample of 99 youth with tic disorders. Analyses examined patterns of tic suppressibility and the relationship between tic suppressibility and demographic and clinical characteristics.Results: A large majority of youth demonstrated a high degree of tic suppression, but heterogeneous patterns of tic suppressibility were also observed. Better tic suppressibility was related to older age and more frequent tics but unrelated to other clinical variables, including presence of psychiatric comorbidity, psychotropic medication status, and tic and premonitory urge severity.Conclusions: The mechanisms underlying the observed heterogeneity in tic suppressibility warrant further investigation. The Tic Suppression Task is a promising method for testing mechanistic hypotheses related to tic suppression.

The Passive-Aggressive Voter

2016 ◽  
Vol 69 (4) ◽  
pp. 732-745 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mert Moral
Keyword(s):  
Party System ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
The Other ◽  
System Level ◽  
Rational Expression ◽  
Compulsory Voting ◽  
Niche Parties ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Level Data ◽  
The Cost

Invalid votes are often considered as simple failure to cast a valid vote. In fact, they might be a rational expression of discontent with party policy offerings. By employing individual and party system-level data on eighteen European party systems, this article focuses on voter discontent and voter apathy as two major determinants of casting an invalid vote and seeks to answer why some voters intentionally waste their votes despite paying the costs of voting. I find that higher distinct policy offerings decrease the probability of casting an invalid vote. However, voting behaviors of politically sophisticated and unsophisticated voters vary conditionally on the diversity of policy offerings and the cost of information. On one hand, when a party system offers a larger set of policy offerings, politically sophisticated voters become less likely to cast an invalid vote and more likely to support niche parties. On the other hand, sophisticated voters cannot deal with increasing cost of information, and are more likely to cast an invalid vote, especially in party systems with compulsory voting where the cost of nonvoting is higher.

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