A Much-Needed Organization

2019 ◽  
pp. 139-156
Author(s):  
Mathias Risse ◽  
Gabriel Wollner

One obligation of states is to found an international organization concerned with trade justice. This chapter continues with that theme, explores what obligations such an organization would have, and discusses institutional reform of the WTO in light of these arguments. Such reform is necessary because by the lights of the understanding of trade justice developed in this book the current WTO is exploitative. The chapter argues that the WTO’s multilateralism is a requirement of justice and reflects on how this point bears on how the global trade organization should be organized. That is, this chapter makes suggestions for how the WTO could approximate an organization devoted to trade justice, and thus how the world could approach a New Global Deal.

2004 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 1070-1071
Author(s):  
Erick Duchesne

Governing Global Trade: International Institutions in Conflict and Convergence, Theodore H. Cohn, Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2002, pp. xi, 329.At a time when all eyes are riveted on the World Trade Organization (WTO) and the ups and downs associated with its current round of negotiation initiated in Doha, Qatar, in November 2001, Theodore Cohn's latest publication provides a vivid reminder: The global trading regime is made up of much more than the WTO. The GATT/WTO is still pivotal in Cohn's diachronic overview of the evolution of the global trade regime since the creation of the General Agreement on Tariff and Trade (GATT) in 1947, but unlike several other studies on a similar topic, the author untangles the relationship between the GATT/WTO and other formal and informal international institutions, such as the G7/G8, the Quadrilateral Group (Quad), the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), the G77, and the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD). Each institution, as well as the United States and the European Union, is given relatively equal coverage in this notable study. Yet, as an indication that the GATT/WTO is still primus inter pares, most chapters revolve around the major negotiation rounds of the international organization. Chapter 2 traces the origins and early period of the postwar trade regime (1947–1962). Chapters 3 and 4 concentrate on the Kennedy (1962–1972) and Tokyo (1973–1979) rounds of the GATT respectively. Chapter 5 details the uncertainty associated with the survival of the GATT (1980–1986). Chapters 6 and 7 focus on the momentous Uruguay Round of the GATT (1986–1994), and chapter 8 highlights the post-Uruguay Round period (1995–2001).


Comma ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 2019 (2) ◽  
pp. 19-36
Author(s):  
Aleksandr Gelfand

Seventy-five years ago (1945), the United Nations (UN) was founded in San Francisco by 50 nations. There, a small archives unit served to assemble the first records of the organization; this was the first iteration of today’s Archives and Records Management Section (ARMS). Throughout its history, the fortunes of the UN Archives have waxed and waned, while its role has continuously evolved. Trying to carve out a place for itself within the largest international organization in the world, its physical and administrative structures have undergone profound changes, as has its mission, number of staff, the type of records it holds and its users. This paper examines significant events in the development of the UN Archives, the challenges it has faced and what may be learned from them.


2010 ◽  
Vol 109 (730) ◽  
pp. 355-357 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeffrey J. Schott

The World Trade Organization is in disrepair. To fix it, and thereby boost global trade liberalization, nations must first successfully conclude the Doha Round of talks.


2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 109-115
Author(s):  
Isidro Fierro Ulloa

This research paper is aimed at thinking about the problem that the current demographic scenario means for mankind because of the excessive increase on the birth rates in poorest social class in the globe. This overpopulation is consuming the global resources at a fast pace and it is taking the world to its limits. This paper focuses on the increase of the population in India country 1.350 million inhabitants and more specifically on New Dahli its capital city whose large population is expected to be larger than China population by 2030. This study used the inductive approach to research to analyze the globe cities and its many problems which must become business and migration centers from populations focused on single cities which are making economic poverty, public health, education system and jobs a problem difficult to cope with. This approach allows to be in line with the current demographic scenario which uses the international organization data to monitor the global overpopulation. The results showed that a timely control over birth rates and the citizen´s education might minimize the demographic impact that the world currently experiences. In short, this situation should be regarded as the problem of the century one due to the negative consequences that should be efficiently treated in the ethics, social, politics and human.


Author(s):  
Larry Catá Backer

This chapter seeks to answer the question: What internal Cuban legal adjustments are necessary for Cuba to enter into a fully normalized relationship with the United States. and the rest of the world? The chapter first focuses on the adjustments Cuba might have to undertake if it is to embed itself within the structures of global trade and finance. Next, the chapter examines the extent to which Cuba is disposed to consider these possible reforms. Third, it examines what may be possible in the aftermath of the U.S. presidential election of 2016 (and its aftermath) and other global changes, including the emergence of a Chinese alternative to national embedding in global trade. These have considerably changed the terrain within with the consequences of U.S.-Cuba normalization can be considered. The examination considers the value of the European Union’s strategic initiative, the Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement (PDCA), as a viable basis for Cuban reintegration in the global economy.


Author(s):  
Klaus Dingwerth ◽  
Antonia Witt

In this chapter, we lay out the theoretical framework that informs our book. We argue that international organizations are legitimated in processes of contestation in which a plethora of actors seeks to define what distinguishes a ‘good’ from a ‘bad’ international organization. In doing so, the actors draw on as well as shape the normative environments in which international organizations are embedded. These environments, in turn, depend on the world political contexts of their time. Change in what we call the terms of legitimation therefore comes from two ends: first, from the dynamics of interaction among those who take part in legitimation contests (‘change from within’); and second, from material or ideational developments that support or challenge the persuasiveness of individual normative frames (‘change from the outside’).


Author(s):  
Patrick Morgan

This chapter examines the liberalist approach to the theory and practice of international politics. It begins with an overview of liberalism and liberal internationalism’s main characteristics, including how they overlap with, yet significantly depart from, the realist perspective. It then considers the major liberalist schools of thought, namely: commercial or economic liberalism, human rights liberalism, international organization or institutions liberalism, and democratic liberalism. The chapter explores how contemporary liberal internationalism is losing significant power and appeal because the major Western states of the world system are experiencing serious international and domestic difficulties. It closes by indicating that the Western liberal internationalist order will likely lose a sizable portion of its long standing international dominance, resulting in a more widely spread global security management arrangement among a larger number of major states.


2009 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 59-85 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce M. Wilson

This article analyzes the conditions that allowed for expansive rights revolutions in Costa Rica and Colombia. My research suggests that many of the preconditions for rights revolutions in other regions of the world are also central to understanding Latin American cases. Of particular relevance is judicial system design including the high courts’ operating rules concerning access, standing, and judicial formality. These factors can and do mitigate the need for extensive resources and support structures necessary in other non-Latin American countries in which rights revolutions have occurred.


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