‘Decade of Dealignment’

Author(s):  
David Denver ◽  
Mark Garnett

This chapter concerns the British general elections of February 1974, October 1974, and 1979 during what came to be known as the ‘Decade of Dealignment’. The first two contests were closely fought, resulting in no overall majority (February 1974) and a slender Labour majority (October 1974). However, the resulting Labour governments were beset by severe economic problems, leading some commentators to claim that Britain had become ‘ungovernable’. In the 1979 general election the Conservatives returned to office under a leader (Margaret Thatcher) who was determined to reverse the country’s post-war decline. In each case, relevant developments in the preceding inter-election period are described (including trends in party popularity) and an account of the campaign provided. In addition, the election results themselves—patterns of party support and of turnout—are extensively analysed. The chapter also focuses on three areas investigated by researchers at the time—explanations for non-voting, the sources of support for the Liberal Party, and the rise of ‘issue voting’.

Author(s):  
David Denver ◽  
Mark Garnett

This chapter concerns the British general elections of 1983, 1987, and 1992. All three were won by the Conservatives. In 1983, the party was returned with a majority of 144 seats, despite having been deeply unpopular for much of its term of office thanks to economic recession and an unprecedented post-war level of unemployment. The scale of the victory was partly due to the 1982 Falklands conflict, in which the prime minister, Margaret Thatcher, had seemingly fulfilled her promise to restore British pride and prestige. However, the Conservatives also benefited from a divided opposition, with Labour and the newly formed Liberal/SDP Alliance winning a plurality of votes between them. In 1987 the situation was similar, although by this time the economic outlook had improved and the Conservatives benefited from a ‘feel-good factor’. By 1990 Mrs Thatcher had once again become deeply unpopular, and was replaced by the less controversial (but uncharismatic) John Major. Under his leadership the Conservatives secured a record tally of votes in the 1992 election, but their overall parliamentary majority was greatly reduced thanks to the operation of the electoral system. In each case, relevant developments in the preceding inter-election period are described (including trends in party popularity) and an account of the campaign provided. In addition, the election results themselves—patterns of party support and of turnout—are extensively analysed. The chapter also discusses the academic controversy over the extent of class voting in Britain, which emerged at the time, as well as the growing North–South regional divide in party support. Finally, the suggestion that this period was one of ‘Conservative hegemony’ is considered.


Author(s):  
David Denver ◽  
Mark Garnett

This chapter concerns the British general elections of 1964, 1966, and 1970. The first contest ended thirteen years of Conservative government, although Labour secured an overall majority of just four seats. The 1966 election resulted in a comfortable victory for Labour, which was expected to win again in 1970. Instead, the Conservatives confounded the opinion polls and returned to office. In each case relevant developments in the preceding inter-election period are described (including trends in party popularity) and an account of the campaign provided. In addition, the election results themselves—patterns of party support and of turnout—are extensively analysed. The chapter also sets out the contemporary explanation of party choice in Britain offered by the influential work of Butler and Stokes which stressed the primary roles of class and party identification.


2018 ◽  
Vol 54 ◽  
pp. 01001
Author(s):  
Budiman N.P.D Sinaga ◽  
Sahat H.M.T Sinaga

In the 1945 Constitution of the Republic Indonesia, there is an order to further regulate in the Law such as the general election that has been enacted Law No. 7/ 2017 on General Election. In its Law, the results of the general election is merely a dispute over the result of the general election regarding the determination of the vote which may affect the election participants’ seats and the President and Vice President election results. The objective of this paper is to find out the legal consequences of the provisions of the law which reduce the authority of state institutions that have been regulated in the 1945 Constitution. The approach of this research is status approach that will be used by examining the laws and regulations relating to the problem. The provisions of the Law on General Elections can be said to have reduced the authority of the Constitutional Court granted the Constitution. There should be strong grounds for an amendment to this provision it can be done immediately by the House of Representatives and the President. Testing by the Constitutional Court may be done but it is better through changes by the House of Representatives and the President.


1974 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-35 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. T. Denver ◽  
H. T. G. Hands

One of the most striking features of British general election results is the large variation in turnout from one constituency to another. In the 1970 election, for instance, turnout in Britain ranged from 44–9 per cent in Stepney to 85–3 per cent in Cornwall North. Moreover, the variation in turnout has become greater in recent years. While the mean turnout in general elections has tended to fall, the standard deviation of turnout has increased steadily from 5–3 in the 1955 election to 6–9 in the 1970 election. With the exception of the Nuffield studies, however, there have been few attempts to investigate this variation. Political scientists have concentrated instead on describing and attempting to explain differences in turnout between different social and demographic groups.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Haider Ali ◽  
Haleem Farman ◽  
Hikmat Yar ◽  
Zahid Khan ◽  
Shabana Habib ◽  
...  

Abstract Nowadays, political parties have widely adopted social media for their party promotions and election campaigns. During the election, Twitter and other social media platforms are used for political coverage to promote the party and its candidates. This research discusses and estimates the stability of many volumetric social media approaches to forecast election results from social media activities. Numerous machine learning approaches are applied to opinions shared on social media for predicting election results. This paper presents a machine learning model based on sentiment analysis to predict Pakistan's general election results. In a general election, voters vote for their favorite party or candidate based on their personal interests. Social media has been extensively used for the campaign in Pakistan general election 2018. Using a machine learning technique, we provide a five-step process to analyze the overall election results, whether fair or unfair. The work is concluded with detailed experimental results and a discussion on the outcomes of sentiment analysis for real-world forecasting and approval for general elections in Pakistan.


Sains Insani ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-74
Author(s):  
Ilyas Abdullah ◽  
Jamaie Hamil ◽  
Sity Daud

This study is about the political culture of the Malays. It discusses the changes in the political culture of the Malays in Terengganu manifested after the occurrence of an event of dismissal of Deputy Prime Minister and Deputy President of UMNO who was Anwar Ibrahim on 2 September 1998. The dismissal has produced a wave of resistance in particular from Malays who disclosed this item for a period of time relatively long until and after the general elections of 1999. General Election 1999 has been highlighting a shift support from UMNO to opposition parties that is so obvious. UMNO suffered the worst performance in the election. This study is also done based on the occurrence of the pattern of voting uncertainty shown in four series of the last elections in Terengganu from 1999 until 2013. This is because the convergence of two Islam-Malay based parties namely UMNO and PAS are very intense. Based on election results post 10th General Election shows that the Terengganu State is no longer secure to any political party contesting the election. Each party is seen to have a chance of a balance to form Government in Terengganu. Findings show that development can act as catalyst for the formation of Malay political culture prior and post 10th General Election. In the post 10th General Election, the Malay communities are aware that development does not suggest that people live in comfort but justice should come together. Other than that, the Malay community in Terengganu do not only uphold the values of Islam, Malay and development but they also embrace other values that can keep pace with current political development. Thus, the need for other values such as justice in new politics is indispensable for political transformation. Keywords: Transformation, Political Culture, Malay Political Culture, New Politics. ABSTRAK: Kajian ini adalah satu kajian mengenai budaya politik Melayu. Ia membincangkan transformasi budaya politik masyarakat Melayu di Terengganu yang dimanifestasikan selepas terjadinya peristiwa pemecatan Anwar Ibrahim pada 2 September 1998. Pemecatan tersebut telah melahirkan satu gelombang penentangan masyarakat Melayu Terengganu terhadap UMNO-BN. Penentangan tersebut dapat dilihat menerusi anjakan sokongan masyarakat Melayu daripada UMNO-BN kepada parti oposisi yang lain dengan begitu jelas khususnya PAS. UMNO telah mengalami prestasi terburuknya dalam pilihan raya tersebut. Kajian ini juga dilakukan berdasarkan kepada berlakunya pola ketidaktentuan pengundian yang ditunjukkan dalam empat siri pilihan raya yang terakhir di Terengganu melibatkan PRU tahun 1999, 2004, 2008 dan PRU tahun 2013. Hal ini kerana pertembungan dua parti Melayu-Islam utama iaitu UMNO dan PAS sangat sengit. Keputusan pilihan raya pasca PRU-10 menunjukkan bahawa Terengganu bukan lagi menjadi negeri selamat buat mana-mana parti politik yang bertanding. Setiap parti dilihat mempunyai peluang yang seimbang untuk membentuk kerajaan di Terengganu. Hasil kajian menunjukan bahawa pembangunan merupakan faktor utama yang mempengaruhi pembentukan budaya politik Melayu di Terengganu sebelum dan selepas PRU ke-10. Namun begitu pasca PRU ke-10 masyarakat Melayu mula melihat bahawa pembangunan bukan lagi semata-mata mengecapi nikmat keselesaan malahan mesti turut disepadukan dengan prinsip keadilan. Pengundi berkecenderungan untuk bertindak dengan memberikan tindakbalas yang negatif kepada kerajaan sekiranya dasar atau pembangunan yang dibawa oleh kerajaan tidak memberikan hasil atau faedah ekonomi kepada pengundi dan sebaliknya. Selain itu juga masyarakat Melayu Terengganu juga tidak lagi hanya mementingkan nilai-nilai yang berkait dengan ketuanan Melayu, Islam dan pembangunan semata-mata malahan telah mengambil satu nilai yang baru selaras dengan perkembangan politik semasa. Keperluan terhadap nilai-nilai dalam politik baru seperti keadilan adalah releven dan diterima serta mempengaruhi transformasi budaya politik mereka. Kata kunci: Transformasi, Budaya Politik, Budaya Politik Melayu, Budaya Politik Baru.  


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-61
Author(s):  
Jumardi Harsono

ABSTRAKPerubahan Kewenangan Badan Pengawas Pemilihan Umum terhadap Pelanggaran Pemilihan Umum Legislatif berdasarkan Undang-undang Nomor 7 Tahun 2017 Tentang Pemilihan Umum. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah: (1). Untuk mengetahui latar belakang terjadinya perubahan kewenangan Badan Pengawas Pemilihan Umum terhadap pelanggaran pemilihan umum legislative berdasarkan Undang-undang Nomor 7 Tahun 2017 Tentang Pemilihan Umum, (2). Untuk mengetahui mekanisme penyelesaian pelanggaran Pemilihan Umum oleh Badan Pengawas Pemilihan Umum terhadap pelanggaran pemilihan umum legislatif berdasarkan Undang-undang Nomor 7 tahun 2017 Tentang Pemilihan Umum. Jenis penelitian ini adalah penelitian hukum yang bersifat yuridis normatif dengan menggunakan dua pendekatan yakni pendekatan peraturan perundang-undangan dan pendekatan konseptual. Hasil penelitian yang melatarbelakangi perubahan kewenangan pelanggaran Pemilu yakni adanya aspirasi Bawaslu yang kesulitan dalam praktik, dimana saat terjadi pelanggaran administrasi Pemilu yang semestinya diselesaikan dengan cepat, tidak bisa dilakukan karena proses penerusan laporan dari pengawas Pemilu ke Komisi Pemilihan Umum/Komisi Pemilihan Umum Daerah tidak diproses secara cepat dan tidak diberi putusan serta tindakan. Disisi lain adanya usulan agar Bawaslu dan Mahkamah Konstitusi menjadi dua lembaga yang menangani perselisihan Pemilu. Mahkamah Konstitusi menangani perselisihan hasil Pemilu, sedangkan Bawaslu menangani pelanggaran ketentuan Administrasi pemilu, menjadi penyidik dan penuntut pelanggaran ketentuan pidana Pemilu, perselisihan antara Komisi Pemilihan Umum dengan peserta Pemilu, perselisihan antara peserta Pemilu. Bawaslu hendak dikembangkan menjadi penegak hukum dan menyelesaikan sebagian sengketa Pemilu. Pelanggaran Pemilu dibagi menjadi enam jenis yaitu Tindak Pidana Pemilu, Kode Etik Penyelenggara Pemilu, Pelanggaran Administrasi Pemilu, Sengketa Pemilu, Perselisihan hasil Pemilu, sengketa tata usaha Negara. Keseluruhan pelanggaran Pemilu ini ditangani oleh masing-masing lembaga yang berbeda.Kata kunci: pemilu legislatif; pelanggaran pemilu; mekanisme penanganan pelanggaran pemiluABSTRACTT Changes to the Authority of the General Election Supervisory Board on Violations of Legislative General Elections based on Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections. The objectives of this study are: (1). To find out the background of the change in authority of the General Election Supervisory Agency against violations of the legislative general election based on Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections, (2). To find out the mechanism for resolving violations of the General Election by the General Election Supervisory Board against violations of legislative elections based on Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections. This type of research is legal normative juridical research using two approaches namely the approach of legislation and a conceptual approach. The results of the research behind the change in election violation authority are the aspirations of Bawaslu which have difficulties in practice, where during the election administration violations which should be resolved quickly, cannot be done because the process of forwarding reports from Election supervisors to the Election Commission/Regional Election Commission is not processed quickly and not given decisions and actions. On the other hand there is a proposal that the Election Supervisory Body and the Constitutional Court be two institutions that handle election disputes. The Constitutional Court handles disputes over election results, while the Election Supervisory Body handles violations of electoral administration provisions, becomes investigators and prosecutors of violations of Election criminal provisions, disputes between the General Election Commission and election participants, disputes between election participants. Bawaslu wants to be developed into law enforcement and resolve some election disputes. Election Violations are divided into six types, namely Election Crimes, Election Organizers Code of Ethics, Election Administration Violations, Election Disputes, Election Results Disputes, State administrative disputes. All of these Election violations are handled by different institutions.Keywords: legislative elections; election violations; mechanism for handling election violations


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (5) ◽  
pp. 111-122
Author(s):  
Yusa Djuyandi ◽  
Ari Ganjar Herdiansah ◽  
Intan Nurma Yulita ◽  
Sud Sudirman

Purpose: General elections in Indonesia until the last election were carried based on a manual system and complex checks. This process is always vulnerable to errors and fraud. As a result of these errors and frauds, the election results are always debated and doubtful. The dissatisfaction with general election results which causes security disturbances is an example of political threats and political instability. To fulfill the principles of elections, the presence of e-recapitulation is vital. Methodology: The method used in this study qualitatively with data sources consisting of primary data, namely the results of observations and interviews, as well as secondary data, namely the results of literature studies and search for documents and articles in the media. Main Findings: Based on field studies, the efficiency and effectiveness of e-recapitulation are believed to be the solution to current problems in Indonesia. It can be concluded that the use of e-recapitulation must begin immediately in a large scope in all regions of Indonesia to realize better, more effective and efficient general election. Implications/Applications: The implementation is believed to minimize the emergence of post-election conflicts caused by fraud in the vote-counting process. Free bribery and fraud can be guaranteed in the future.


Wajah Hukum ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 74
Author(s):  
Mhd Ansori

The realization of democracy in Indonesia is one of which is carried out by general elections, this is a political contestation which often present disputes.There is a general understanding that effective electoral dispute resolution mechanisms and processes are a “sine qua non” for fair and fair elections.As well as the implementation of the general election system is designed in there is alwayas a possibility of violations that can reduce the quality of general elections, for that as well as the implementation of the general election system, within it is always available a trusted istitutional mechanism to resolve various types of general election objections and disputes.Disputes or disputes can be divided into two, that is (1) disputes in the electoral process (especially those that occur between participants in the general election or between candidates) which have been handled by the election supervisory committee and election results disputes or disputes. This paper aims to find out and analyze the dispute resolution of elections in Indonesia.The type of research used is normative juridical research, using conceptual approach, legislation approach, and historical approach


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