Political Power and Othello

Author(s):  
Elizabeth Frazer

This chapter sets out and considers political readings of Othello, which is more commonly interpreted in an ethical or psychological frame. The plot puts sovereign state power into contradistinction and competition with patriarchal authority, with social antagonisms and oppressions, notably racism, with the political and moral claims of open frank speech, and with the ‘machiavellian’ strategies of hypocrisy, trickery, and ruthlessness. Shakespeare’s dramatizations of these powers and structures both emphasizes how ethical inter-personal and intimate relationships are shaped by political and social factors and forces, and also brings into question the claims of sovereignty and patriarchy vis-à-vis the forces of social antagonism. The claims of frank public speech in relation to political power are ambiguous: free public speech is a necessary condition of political life properly speaking, but is always risky and often compromised.

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 93-116 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zbigniew Machelski

Parliaments are dual institutions by nature, as they connect society with the legal structure of the state power. An analysis of the structural properties of contemporary legislative bodies indicates the particular importance of the factor of internal organization, which makes it possible to distinguish a symmetrical bicameralism. The case of Italy is attractive for researchers of political systems for many reasons. One of them is a fact, that both chambers hold the identical legal and political positions, have the same five years’ terms of office and identical scopes of authority. The proportional voting system guaranteed (with two exceptions) that the legislative branch was a mirror image of society, allowing the meeting of various ideologies, including the most radical ones. Italy’s bicameral parliament manifested its ability to absorb a peaceful confrontation between the opposite poles of the political life in the conditions of a politically and culturally divided society.


1967 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 76-86
Author(s):  
Donald W. Bray

In a majority of Latin-American countries the coup d'etat rather than the ballot is still the institutionalized mechanism for transferring political power. Some states, like Haiti and Paraguay, are clearly in the “prehistory” of modern political parties. Nevertheless, in the twentieth century the political party with a developed ideology has become a major feature of Latin-American political life.


1974 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 42-60
Author(s):  
Dennis Kavanagh

IN RECENT YEARS THERE HAS BEEN A FORMIDABLE GROWTH OF literature on the political and other implications of business corporations. Much of the writing on the corporations has been of an alarmist nature. We are usually referred to the growth of an impressive economic (and, by implication, political) power of the corporations, the lack of effective democratic control on their activities, and the consequent need to establish a more effective set of constraints. It is suggested that internally the corporations are tending to by-pass the legislatures and other representative institutions, while externally the multinationals are integrating sectors of economies across states, and employing a management which may owe primary loyalty to the corporation and not the state in which managers are based. The emergence of the multinationals therefore not only seriously challenges many of our cherished political institutions and procedures, it also confronts our patterns of thinking about the sovereign state which have been inherited from the 16th century. In that they escape from the constraints of national boundaries and representative institutions it is alleged that the corporations are rendering obsolescent our traditional concepts of both state and sovereignty. Much of this argument is neatly encapsulated in the evocative titles of such scholarly works as Beyond the Nation State and Sovereignty at Bay.


2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 148
Author(s):  
Elijah Okon John ◽  
Joseph Ajuluchukwu Uka

<p><em>Aristotle’s socio-political theory emphasizes the belief that human beings are naturally political. Aristotelian ideals that the political life of a free citizen is a sovereign state which provides for the well-being of the citizenry is the highest form of life. Thus, his idea of free citizenship immediately introduces the concept of limitations between citizens—the free and the not free, the masters and the slave. The consequence of his political theory is the introduction of inequality among the members of the society but the question is: was Aristotle right in justifying social inequality? The answer to it embodies the major issues of this work. How we can evaluate Aristotle’s positive and negative socio-political theories is one of the concerns of this paper. Effort will be made to critically explicate the good aspects of his theory as well as drawing a synthesis from the critique of the condemnable aspects of Aristotle’s political philosophy in fashioning out a formidable route for African political leaders.</em><em></em></p>


2012 ◽  
Vol 2012 (1) ◽  
pp. 169-182
Author(s):  
Oleksandr Vysotskyi

The author investigates trends in the delegitimation of the regime in Ukraine today, reveals their content and meaning. Based on the analysis of the seven dimensions of legitimacy of state power, it is stated the presence of five delegitimational trends.


GeoTextos ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jean Carlos Rodrigues ◽  
Robson Francisco Barros dos Santos ◽  
Cássio Fonseca Alves

Este artigo foi construído a partir de uma pesquisa que estabeleceu uma intrínseca relação entre geografia e voto no estado do Tocantins. Seu objetivo principal consistiu em desenvolver uma análise sobre a distribuição espacial dos votos para o poder executivo estadual (governador) de 1988 a 2010, nesta unidade da federação, distribuídos em seus 139 municípios, a fim de identificarmos as territorialidades dos votos bem como os domínios eleitorais estaduais que se estabeleceram ao longo da vida política tocantinense. Para tanto, ao longo desta pesquisa, nos dedicamos a leituras bibliográficas pertinentes ao referido tema, e a coletar e cartografar os resultados dos pleitos eleitorais disponíveis no Tribunal Superior Eleitoral (TSE) e no Tribunal Regional Eleitoral-Tocantins (TRE/TO). Como considerações, apontamos o uso e o controle do território exercido por meio do voto por distintos atores políticos regionais, a manutenção do poder político de uma elite política estabelecida desde a primeira eleição para governador (1988) e suas implicações sobre a geografia eleitoral tocantinense. Abstract THE ELECTORAL GEOGRAPHY OF THE STATE OF TOCANTINS:ANALYSIS OF THE ELECTIONS FOR GOVERNOR FROM 1988 TO 2010 This article was devised based on a survey that establishes an intrinsic relationship between geography and vote in the State of Tocantins. The main objective consisted in developing an analysis of the spatial distribution of the votes for the state executive (governor) from 1988 to 2010 in this state, distributed into its 139 municipal districts, so we can identify the territoriality of the votes as well as the state voting domains that were established during the political life in Tocantins. For such, during this survey, we spent time reading bibliographies related to the theme in question, and to collect and map the results of the election dispute available in the Superior Electoral Court (TSE) and Regional Electoral Court-Tocantins (TRE/TO). As considerations, we appointed the use and control of the territory exercised by means of the vote by distinct regional political players, maintenance of the political power over a political elite established since the first election for governor (1988) and its implications on the electoral geography of Tocantins


2019 ◽  
pp. 158-163
Author(s):  
Hilola Abdurakhmonova

Замонавий шароитда сиёсий коммуникацияни тадқиқ этишнинг умумназарий ва методологик жиҳатлари ахборотлаштиришда ижтимоий омиллар таҳлили, ўтмиш олимларининг сиёсий назариянинг умумий муаммоларига бағишланган асарлари, давлат ва жамиятнинг ўзаро муносабатлари, сиёсий ҳокимиятнинг моҳияти ва механизмлари кўриб чиқилган. В статье рассматриваются общетеоретические и методологические стороны политической коммуникации в контексте современных социально-политических аспектов коммуникации, дается анализ социальных факторов формирования информационного общества, а также рассматриваются общие проблемы политической теории различных ученых, взаимодействие государства и общества, сущность и механизмы политической власти. This article discusses various aspects of political communication, the context of modern social and political aspects of political communication, the analysis of social factors in the formation of information society, the general problems of the political theory of the past, the interaction of the state and society, the essence and mechanisms of political power.


2017 ◽  
Vol 44 (5) ◽  
pp. 528-549 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexandra Morrison

Both Judith Butler and Chantal Mouffe challenge liberal conceptions of politics based on their ontological descriptions of the political. Mouffe argues that the failure of liberalism to grasp the agonistic character of political life means that properly political conflicts get translated into moral terms. Mouffe thinks that the way to correct our “post-political” problems (like alt-right movements) is to avoid translating political conflicts into a moral register. I challenge Mouffe’s separation of ethics and politics by invoking Butler’s more nuanced account of the ethical sphere. I demonstrate that Mouffe does not consider that there are different orders of moral claims (for example, the claims that others have on us to treat them with justice and dignity, claims that at least implicitly demand not to be weighed in terms of economic or political utility); nor does Mouffe consider that there are different orders of affect, some of which cannot be simply opposed to rationality.


1990 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 261-262
Author(s):  
Sheikh R. Ali

The upheaval in contemporary world politics reveals a renewed interestin religion; similarly, the current anarchy in rehgious thought and institutionsoften demonstrates a not-so-subtle interest in politics. Hence, for politicalscientists, among others, new studies of religion and politics are alwayswelcome. Except for two essays in this volume, all were presented in 1986at a seminar on “Religion and Nationalism: held under the auspices of theNational Endowment for the Humanities at the University of California, SantaBarbara. The two essays mentioned, those of Alexandre Benningsen andStephen Feuchtwang (who did not attend the seminar) were commissionedseparately.The editors of this collection are Gustavo Benavides, a lecturer in theDepartment of Religious Studies at Villanova University; and M. W. Daly,an assistant professor in the Department of History at Memphis StateUniversity.The broad-ranging seminar explored the role played by religion in theemergence of the political life of modem states. From India and Sri Lankato the Islamic Republic of Iran, to the resurgence of religious fundamentaismin the United States and its persistence in Israel, the participants discussedthe many forms that the tension between religion and the modem state assumes.However, the thematic thread running through most of the discussions provedto be something more general than the state itself, although it is the statein which it is now manifested. That theme is the exercise of political power;more precisely, the exercise of political power in a context that mobilizesreligious representations.This volume, then, examines the interaction between two of the mostcharged topics in the modem world: religion and politics. It shows theinextricable connection between religious attitudes and responsibilities andpolitical activities.Following an introductory chapter which explores the religiousarticuiations of politid power, the authors examine the role played by religionin the current political situation in several countries. Approaching these casesas anthropologists, historians, sociologists, and political scientists, the authorsmake visible the dialectical relationship between religion and the pursuit ofpolitical power. On the one hand, they demonstrate the political significance ...


2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 214-229
Author(s):  
Aleksandr Shmakov ◽  
Sergey Petrov

Abstract A number of events taking place in the twenty-first century such as mass arrests of members of the Iran President Mahmud Ahmadinezhad's executive office accused of witchcraft make one doubt that witch hunt trials remained in the far Middle Ages. It is religious motives that are usually considered the main reason for anti-witchcraft hysteria. When analyzing the history of anti-witchcraft campaigns we came to the conclusion that in the majority of cases witchcraft was a planned action aimed at consolidating the state power and acquiring additional sources of revenue. By using economic instruments we tried to reveal some general regularities of witch hunt in various countries as well as conditions for this institution to emerge and for ensuring its stability by the state power We show that witch hunt was an instrument of implementing institutional transformations aimed to consolidate the political power or to forfeit wealth by the state power.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document