scholarly journals Asian development and the world economy

2019 ◽  
pp. 201-221
Author(s):  
Deepak Nayyar

During the post-colonial era, the relationship between Asia and the world was shaped by a geopolitics in which economics and politics, juxtaposed with history and geography, were closely intertwined. East and Southeast Asia became the main arena for contesting political ideologies—capitalism versus communism—in the Cold War, while West Asia was the stage where strategic interests driven by oil played out. Both were associated with conflicts and wars that shaped trajectories of development. Rapid economic growth in Asia has implications, both positive and negative, for the world, industrialized countries, and developing countries, which are analysed in the chapter. The international economic and political architecture for global governance was created around 1945. Asia had no voice in that process. The shifting balance of power provides Asian countries with an opportunity to exercise collective influence now, but co-ordination and co-operation among them has not surfaced yet, possibly because of economic and political rivalry.

IIUC Studies ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 55-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohammed Sarwar Alam

Imperialism has been the most powerful force in world history over last four or five centuries. The world has moved from the colonial to post-colonial era or neoimperialism. Throughout the period, the imperialists have changed their grounds and strategies in imperialistic rules. But the ultimate objective has remained the same- to rule and exploit the natives with their multifaceted dominance-technological, economic and military. Through dominance with these, they have been, to a great extent, successful in establishing their racial and cultural superiority. George Orwell is popularly known to be an anti-imperialist writer. This paper, I believe, will lead us to an almost different conclusion. Here, we discover the inevitable dilemma in a disguised imperialist. We discover the seeds of imperialism under the mask of anti-imperialism. In this regard, it studies his revealing short story "Shooting an Elephant". It also humbly approaches to refute Barry Hindess' arguments supporting neoimperialism.   doi: 10.3329/iiucs.v3i0.2664   IIUC STUDIES Vol. - 3, December 2006 (p 5-62)  


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Adam Griffiths

<p>What is Africa's best hope for advancing its development initiatives? Should each state seek to compete independently on the world stage? Should they seek to forge relationships with external partners and the power players in the world economy on a one-to-one basis? Or should they work together in conjunction with the economic giants of the globalised economy? Of these three possible approaches this article seeks to investigate the third. Can the African states use a regional approach to economic development whilst still engaging and benefitting from external benefactors? Or will the traditional and developing powerhouses in the world economy simply use Africa's efforts at regional integration as a way to garner favour and preferential access to African markets and resources? In the post colonial and post independence period, many African states sought to work with the former colonialists overlords in an attempt to develop their economies through a regional approach. Many of these attempts created little real benefit to the African peoples themselves. In the wake of these failed attempts at development via the perceived benefits of regional integration, new movements developed. A new approach to regionalism has appeared in the last three decades, whose hallmarks are quite different to the old approaches to regionalism. It is the intent of this article to make an empirical investigation into the progress of these new approaches to regional integration or 'the new regionalism' as it is often dubbed. I also wish to add a further element to this investigation. The 'old regionalism' traditionally featured African states seeking trade policy rationalisation/integration/development under the tutelage and patronage of the western states. However, one of key characteristics of the 'new regionalism' is that new partnerships between developing economies and the African states are emerging. These partnerships have the ability to either greatly help the African states in the path to development through regional integration, or they may hinder and derail these attempts. To this end I wish to investigate the greatest 'developing' economy in the world and its impact on Africa's regionalisation projects. I am referring here to China. China has shown interest in Africa as a continent that has huge potential and as one that can provide great benefit to China's rapid economic growth and expansion. To this end it seems particularly relevant to investigate how China seeks to expand its ties and increase its presence in the area. As both Africa and China can be seen as 'developing', albeit both at very different levels, it should be particularly interesting to see how these two geographical and demographic juggernauts work together in the pursuit of their own developments ...</p>


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (1(J)) ◽  
pp. 39-47 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel N. Mlambo, ◽  
Mandla A. Mubecua ◽  
Siphesihle Edmund Mpanza ◽  
Victor H. Mlambo

Abstract: One of the many impediments to a specific region, country and/or continents political, social and economic growth prospects is corruption, the aim of this paper is to unearth the drivers and consequences of corruption in post-colonial Africa. Corruption is a global phenomenon; however when observing global corruption statistics and/or trends, it seems to be more prominent in underdeveloped continents such as Africa. Corruption in Africa is purely driven by low levels of economic growth, bad governance structures weak constitutions political instability, high levels of poverty coupled with high and ever-increasing levels of unemployment. We argue that post the colonial era, there has been a rise of corruption activities within the continent where individuals including some African heads of states have looted the continent of its resources meant for the general populace. In this sense, corruption takes resources meant for the poor, limits foreign direct investments (FDI) and has severe effects on a continent that is already the least developed in the world.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (6) ◽  
pp. 494-504
Author(s):  
Dong-Ching Day

When the Tiananmen Incident happened and the Berlin Wall collapsed in 1989 that indicated the end of the Cold War, some scholars predicted that China’s democratization would be realized in the short term. However, China not only didn’t become a democratic country, but also overtook Japan as the world number two economy in 2010; probably it will replace US as the world number one economy in 2030 which highly challenge the theory of economic growth bringing democratization. How come modernization theory doesn’t apply to China case after its rapid economic growth for decades?  The easiest way to argue why China hasn’t become democratic country based on theories of democratization is that they couldn’t fit into China’s special situation. If that is the case, then further question will be why China’s situation is so special and what are behind it. This paper is trying to explain why China hasn’t democratized from the perspective of identity, and elaborate that ‘Four insistences’, ‘Being bullied experiences’, and ‘Democracy’s disorder and China model’ are those factors enhancing China’s identity. If those factors don’t change, it is hard to see China democratization happening in the foreseeable future.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Adam Griffiths

<p>What is Africa's best hope for advancing its development initiatives? Should each state seek to compete independently on the world stage? Should they seek to forge relationships with external partners and the power players in the world economy on a one-to-one basis? Or should they work together in conjunction with the economic giants of the globalised economy? Of these three possible approaches this article seeks to investigate the third. Can the African states use a regional approach to economic development whilst still engaging and benefitting from external benefactors? Or will the traditional and developing powerhouses in the world economy simply use Africa's efforts at regional integration as a way to garner favour and preferential access to African markets and resources? In the post colonial and post independence period, many African states sought to work with the former colonialists overlords in an attempt to develop their economies through a regional approach. Many of these attempts created little real benefit to the African peoples themselves. In the wake of these failed attempts at development via the perceived benefits of regional integration, new movements developed. A new approach to regionalism has appeared in the last three decades, whose hallmarks are quite different to the old approaches to regionalism. It is the intent of this article to make an empirical investigation into the progress of these new approaches to regional integration or 'the new regionalism' as it is often dubbed. I also wish to add a further element to this investigation. The 'old regionalism' traditionally featured African states seeking trade policy rationalisation/integration/development under the tutelage and patronage of the western states. However, one of key characteristics of the 'new regionalism' is that new partnerships between developing economies and the African states are emerging. These partnerships have the ability to either greatly help the African states in the path to development through regional integration, or they may hinder and derail these attempts. To this end I wish to investigate the greatest 'developing' economy in the world and its impact on Africa's regionalisation projects. I am referring here to China. China has shown interest in Africa as a continent that has huge potential and as one that can provide great benefit to China's rapid economic growth and expansion. To this end it seems particularly relevant to investigate how China seeks to expand its ties and increase its presence in the area. As both Africa and China can be seen as 'developing', albeit both at very different levels, it should be particularly interesting to see how these two geographical and demographic juggernauts work together in the pursuit of their own developments ...</p>


STADION ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 204-225
Author(s):  
Cyril Thomas ◽  
Pascal Charroin ◽  
Bastien Soule

At the Mexico City Olympics, Kenya won eight medals in athletics. This performance enabled this State, whose independence dated back just four years, to display its identity to the eyes of the world. Kenyan athletics, mainly in middle- and long-distance events, continued to assert itself until it dominated the medal ranking in the 2015 World Championships. However, even if it is a vehicle for emancipation and identity-building, Kenyan athletics is also dependent on external influences. Therefore, even though France and Kenya never had colonial links, they have built interdependent relationships in athletics during the post-colonial era. The purpose of this study is to understand the particular postcolonial process around which these relationships were built, in the absence of colonial ties. We have chosen to conduct this study based on the investigation of minutes of the French Athletics Federation (FFA) committees and the journal L’Athlétisme, the official FFA review. We conducted semi-structured interviews with Kenyan and French athletics actors (athletes, managers, race organizers, and federal officials). These data reveal a continuing domination of Kenya, by France, in athletics. This relationship of domination marks a survival of the colonial order. However, Kenyan athletes’ domination, especially in marathons, contributes to the vulnerability of French performances. The singularity of the postcolonial process studied lies as much in the absence of colonial ties between France and Kenya as in the transformation of a relationship of domination specific to the colonial period.


2011 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vedi R. Hadiz

This article explores the genesis of Indonesian political Islam and its interactions with the nationalist secular state in the immediate post-colonial era while examining some of the origins of the ‘radical’ stream that has garnered much attention in the current post-authoritarian period. It puts forward the idea that, rather than an outcome of Indonesian democratisation, this stream was in fact the product of authoritarian New Order rule. The article also considers some parallels in the trajectories of political Islam more generally in Indonesia, the Middle East and North Africa, especially as a kind of populist response to the tensions and contradictions of global capitalism. It addresses the city of Surakarta (Solo) as a case study and highlights the importance of Cold War politics in moulding political Islam in Indonesia and elsewhere. The approach emphasises historical and sociological factors shaping political Islam that have tended to be relegated to the background in prevalent security-oriented analyses concerned with issues of terrorism and violence.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Adam Griffiths

<p>What is Africa's best hope for advancing its development initiatives? Should each state seek to compete independently on the world stage? Should they seek to forge relationships with external partners and the power players in the world economy on a one-to-one basis? Or should they work together in conjunction with the economic giants of the globalised economy? Of these three possible approaches this article seeks to investigate the third. Can the African states use a regional approach to economic development whilst still engaging and benefitting from external benefactors? Or will the traditional and developing powerhouses in the world economy simply use Africa's efforts at regional integration as a way to garner favour and preferential access to African markets and resources? In the post colonial and post independence period, many African states sought to work with the former colonialists overlords in an attempt to develop their economies through a regional approach. Many of these attempts created little real benefit to the African peoples themselves. In the wake of these failed attempts at development via the perceived benefits of regional integration, new movements developed. A new approach to regionalism has appeared in the last three decades, whose hallmarks are quite different to the old approaches to regionalism. It is the intent of this article to make an empirical investigation into the progress of these new approaches to regional integration or 'the new regionalism' as it is often dubbed. I also wish to add a further element to this investigation. The 'old regionalism' traditionally featured African states seeking trade policy rationalisation/integration/development under the tutelage and patronage of the western states. However, one of key characteristics of the 'new regionalism' is that new partnerships between developing economies and the African states are emerging. These partnerships have the ability to either greatly help the African states in the path to development through regional integration, or they may hinder and derail these attempts.  To this end I wish to investigate the greatest 'developing' economy in the world and its impact on Africa's regionalisation projects. I am referring here to China. China has shown interest in Africa as a continent that has huge potential and as one that can provide great benefit to China's rapid economic growth and expansion. To this end it seems particularly relevant to investigate how China seeks to expand its ties and increase its presence in the area. As both Africa and China can be seen as 'developing', albeit both at very different levels, it should be particularly interesting to see how these two geographical and demographic juggernauts work together in the pursuit of their own developments ...</p>


Author(s):  
R. Lalsangpuii

This article is an attempt to understand the complex issues of identity formation of the Mizos who are presently living in the corner most region of India’s North East. Here, it is interesting to study how identity is formed, constructed and even protected. This process involves centuries of historical journey that examines how the people perceived themselves and how the outsiders constructed their identity on the conception of “difference” that would include subjugation and internalisation. It aims to understand how space and territoriality that are imagined or constructed in the psyche of the people played a significant role in identity formation. These are the products of colonial intervention affirmed by Christianity and exposure to the world beyond their isolated hills. It would also focus on the formation and development of ‘Mizo’ in the pre-colonial and post-colonial era. Further, it would also highlight how the nomenclature of the ethnonym, ‘Mizo’ has been debated by the historians. On a methodological note rich archival materials and secondary sources on Mizo identity are employed.


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 565 ◽  
Author(s):  
Biook Behnam ◽  
Farhad Azimi ◽  
Alireza Baghban Kanani

Two hundred years after Hegel, his Master-Slave Dialectic theory is still one of the most controversial philosophical theories. Some believe that such a relationship does no longer exist, nor is it acceptable in the face of abolishment of slavery in the world. In this study, it has been tried to form an understanding of the Hegelian Master-Slave Dialectic and bring into light the presence of the Master-Slave relationship in our modern day world. As Crossley (1996) points out, the power relation in Hegelian dialectic philosophy is ever-present in a more subtle manner in the Post-colonial era; one which utilizes an intersubjective relationship, sustaining the other as a subject of action rather than attempting to negate them (p. 147). To establish this kind of power relation, the west has been employing language, literature and translation in a much more effective way than military might to assert her control and dominance, and move the wheels of colonization and an asymmetrical power relation forward.


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