Les relations franco-kényanes dans les courses de fond : Un processus postcolonial singulier (1960–2019)

STADION ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 204-225
Author(s):  
Cyril Thomas ◽  
Pascal Charroin ◽  
Bastien Soule

At the Mexico City Olympics, Kenya won eight medals in athletics. This performance enabled this State, whose independence dated back just four years, to display its identity to the eyes of the world. Kenyan athletics, mainly in middle- and long-distance events, continued to assert itself until it dominated the medal ranking in the 2015 World Championships. However, even if it is a vehicle for emancipation and identity-building, Kenyan athletics is also dependent on external influences. Therefore, even though France and Kenya never had colonial links, they have built interdependent relationships in athletics during the post-colonial era. The purpose of this study is to understand the particular postcolonial process around which these relationships were built, in the absence of colonial ties. We have chosen to conduct this study based on the investigation of minutes of the French Athletics Federation (FFA) committees and the journal L’Athlétisme, the official FFA review. We conducted semi-structured interviews with Kenyan and French athletics actors (athletes, managers, race organizers, and federal officials). These data reveal a continuing domination of Kenya, by France, in athletics. This relationship of domination marks a survival of the colonial order. However, Kenyan athletes’ domination, especially in marathons, contributes to the vulnerability of French performances. The singularity of the postcolonial process studied lies as much in the absence of colonial ties between France and Kenya as in the transformation of a relationship of domination specific to the colonial period.

2021 ◽  
Vol 38 (77) ◽  
pp. 187-207
Author(s):  
Socrates Kraido Majune ◽  
Davis Kimuli Mwania

This study explains trade regimes in Kenya from a History of Economic Thought (HET) perspective using secondary materials (books, papers, and original manuscripts). We found that the pre-colonial era (before 1895) had a mixture of Classical doctrines and Mercantilism, whereby long-distance and barter trade between communities were practiced. Nonetheless, certain communities restricted trade. Classical economic thought was practiced in the colonial period (1895-1962), whereby agricultural produce was exported and less expensive consumables were imported. The post-colonial period started with a Mercantilism approach (Importsubstitution), but successive regimes have promoted Classical doctrines of trade by reducing import and export barriers and creating trade-promotion institutions. Trade in services, which is topical in international trade, has also been promoted in this regime.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-35
Author(s):  
Adebukola Dagunduro ◽  
Adebimpe Adenugba

AbstractWomen’s activism within various ethnic groups in Nigeria dates back to the pre-colonial era, with notable heroic leaders, like Moremi of Ife, Amina of Zaria, Emotan of Benin, Funmilayo Kuti, Margaret Ekpo and many others. The participation of Nigerian women in the Beijing Conference of 1995 led to a stronger voice for women in the political landscape. Several women’s rights groups have sprung up in the country over the years. Notable among them are the Federation of Nigerian Women’s Societies (FNWS), Women in Nigeria (WIN), Kudirat Initiative for Democracy (KIND) and Female in Nigeria (FIN). However, majority have failed to actualize significant political, social or economic growth. This paper examines the challenges and factors leading to their inability to live up to people’s expectations. Guided by patriarchy and liberal feminism theories, this paper utilizes both historical and descriptive methods to examine these factors. The paper argues that a lack of solidarity among women’s groups, financial constraints, unfavourable political and social practices led to the inability of women’s groups in Nigeria to live up to the envisaged expectations. The paper concludes that, for women’s activist groups to survive in Nigeria, a quiet but significant social revolution is necessary among women. Government should also formulate and implement policies that will empower women politically, economically and socially.


IIUC Studies ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 55-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohammed Sarwar Alam

Imperialism has been the most powerful force in world history over last four or five centuries. The world has moved from the colonial to post-colonial era or neoimperialism. Throughout the period, the imperialists have changed their grounds and strategies in imperialistic rules. But the ultimate objective has remained the same- to rule and exploit the natives with their multifaceted dominance-technological, economic and military. Through dominance with these, they have been, to a great extent, successful in establishing their racial and cultural superiority. George Orwell is popularly known to be an anti-imperialist writer. This paper, I believe, will lead us to an almost different conclusion. Here, we discover the inevitable dilemma in a disguised imperialist. We discover the seeds of imperialism under the mask of anti-imperialism. In this regard, it studies his revealing short story "Shooting an Elephant". It also humbly approaches to refute Barry Hindess' arguments supporting neoimperialism.   doi: 10.3329/iiucs.v3i0.2664   IIUC STUDIES Vol. - 3, December 2006 (p 5-62)  


Author(s):  
Julia Gallagher

Zimbabwe’s diplomatic relations with Britain became exceptionally fractious from about 2000. Britain’s New Labour government publicly criticized the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) party for its violent seizure of white-owned commercial farms, political violence, and rolling back of democracy. ZANU-PF countered the British government’s accusation, describing it as unwarranted interference in Zimbabwe’s domestic affairs by an ex-colonial master. Such highly charged accusations between government elites of both countries have tended to animate scholarly debates about the nature of Zimbabwe–-Britain relations. This chapter does something different: it examines understandings of Zimbabwe–Britain relations, drawing on research interviews with Zimbabwean non-elites. The chapter argues that Zimbabwean and British political elites instrumentalized the diplomatic quarrel in order to position themselves as honourable wardens of their respective countries and particular norms such as human rights and sovereignty. However, the chapter further contends, non-elites’ comprehensions of the diplomatic argument reveal the limits of this instrumentalization and reflect the complicated and ambivalent appreciations of Zimbabwe–Britain relations. The diplomatic argument attained popular resonances and dissonances, which reflect a multifaceted existential entanglement with roots in the colonial era. Ideas of the expulsion of white farmers as a representation of ‘real independence’ and the display of the shortcomings of a post-colonial order on the other end, impress particular self-understandings and identities.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 539-552
Author(s):  
Bolaji Omitola ◽  
Olawale Olufemi Akinrinde ◽  
Adetola Omitola

Traditional institutions held pre-eminence positions in the pre-colonial societies in Nigeria. The level of order witnessed during this period was a testimony to the invaluable roles played by the traditional rulers in administering their different empires, kingdoms and communities. However, during the colonial era, the position of traditional rulers was compromised as they became mere stooges of the colonial power. The post-colonial period saw the traditional rulers’ roles diminished as they were given advisory roles in previous constitutions and with no single role in the 1999 Constitution. Thus, for the continuous relevance of the traditional institutions, there is a need for re-examination of their roles in the country. This chapter argues for community based developmental roles for the traditional rulers in the country. These include promotion of tourism development, encouraging modern agricultural development, maintenance of peaceful co-existence among the people of their domain and settlers from other parts of the country, providing platform for alternative dispute resolution, monitoring the activities of the various vigilante groups and other unconventional security apparatus in their communities and lastly partnering the security operatives through intelligence gathering within their domains for effective operations of security outfits in serving the people better.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 00003
Author(s):  
Arasy Pradana A

The proclamation of Indonesian independence on August 17, 1945, marked Indonesia's transition from being a nation as an imaginary community to being a state as a legal-rational community. For the first time, the Indonesian have the authority to form the rule of law independently, apart from the intervention of the colonial nation. The fierce spirit of anti-colonialism was immediately reflected in various legislative products, including the 1945 Constitution. The opening part of the 1945 Constitution, which is often regarded as the highest source of value in the Indonesian legal system, reflects a thick post-colonial spirit. During the colonial period, the legal system was built on hegemony, by placing indigenous people as The Other in their own homeland. They are labelled as third-class identities, under other national groups. This mentality is then tried to be reversed after independence. The values of independence, perpetual peace, and social justice are presented clearly into the Preamble of the 1945 Constitution. The Preamble of the 1945 Constitution inherited the anti-colonial spirit and immediately became a manifesto of resistance to colonial domination. However, the process of value petrifaction of the Preamble of the 1945 Constitution should not be considered as complete when that text was announced. The real challenge actually happened today, decades after Indonesia's independence. The injustice and hegemony relation that still occurs throughout the world ideally awakens the Indonesian to continue to contextualize anti-colonial values in the Preamble of the 1945 Constitution.


2018 ◽  
Vol 63 (S26) ◽  
pp. 211-231 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francesca Di Pasquale

AbstractThis article analyses the practices of deportation and transportation of colonial subjects from Libya, Italy’s former possession, to the metropole throughout the entire colonial period (1911–1943). For the most part, the other colonial powers did not transport colonial subjects to Europe. Analysing the history of the punitive relocations of Libyans, this article addresses the ways in which the Italian case may be considered peculiar. It highlights the overlapping of the penal system and military practices and emphasizes the difficult dialogue between “centre” and “periphery” concerning security issues inside the colony. Finally, it focuses on the experience of the Libyans in Italy and shows how the presence there of colonial subjects in some respects overturned the “colonial situation”, undermining the relationship of power between Italians and North Africans.


Author(s):  
Vaid Divya ◽  
Datta Ankur

This chapter investigates the complex issue of caste and its relationship to modern Hinduism. It starts by drawing up a broad canvas of classical theories about caste from sociology and anthropology, considering caste in relation to the Sanskritic concepts of varna and jati. The authors then move on to the emergence of caste in its modern form in the colonial period and post-colonial period. The chapter’s discussion of the emergence of a modern conception of caste in the colonial period converges with what has been discussed concerning the ‘invention’ or ‘standardization’ of Hinduism. The chapter also discusses caste in relation to post-colonial politics, and to work and occupation, tracing the transformation of caste in the face of contemporary socio-economic and political change. Hence the chapter also considers the relationship of caste with Modern Hinduism and Hindu society with reference to law and the state, Dalit politics, affirmative action, violence, and the economy.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (1(J)) ◽  
pp. 39-47 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel N. Mlambo, ◽  
Mandla A. Mubecua ◽  
Siphesihle Edmund Mpanza ◽  
Victor H. Mlambo

Abstract: One of the many impediments to a specific region, country and/or continents political, social and economic growth prospects is corruption, the aim of this paper is to unearth the drivers and consequences of corruption in post-colonial Africa. Corruption is a global phenomenon; however when observing global corruption statistics and/or trends, it seems to be more prominent in underdeveloped continents such as Africa. Corruption in Africa is purely driven by low levels of economic growth, bad governance structures weak constitutions political instability, high levels of poverty coupled with high and ever-increasing levels of unemployment. We argue that post the colonial era, there has been a rise of corruption activities within the continent where individuals including some African heads of states have looted the continent of its resources meant for the general populace. In this sense, corruption takes resources meant for the poor, limits foreign direct investments (FDI) and has severe effects on a continent that is already the least developed in the world.


2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 19
Author(s):  
Rubaidi Rubaidi

<pre><em><br /></em></pre><pre><em>This paper examines and shows at the same time about Javanese Islam (Islam Nusantara) which is typical of a few Muslims in the world. The characteristic in question is a combination of Javanese culture (Javanese original religion, Hindu and Buddhist) with the intrinsic dimension of Islam itself. This combination occurs because it is bound by a red thread called mysticism, which is between Javanese mysticism and Islamic mysticism </em><em>as</em><em> a compound. The two conception of mysticism is because the essence of mysticism actually contains the teachings of the unity (tauhid) of God. This encounter through mysticism allows for acculturation between Javanese culture and Islam. This thesis is based on the reconstruction of the thinking of Sufi teachers in the Majelis Shalawat Muhammad in Surabaya and Bojonegoro as a research base. The Sufi masters referred to were placed as sub-alternations which were prevalent in post-colonial studies. As a sub-altern, this paper is believed to better narrate the perpetrators of Islamic mysticism in understanding the dialectic between Islamic mysticism and original Javanese culture or Javanese mysticism itself. Their relations gave birth to what is called Javanese Islam which is typical in Indonesia.</em><em></em></pre><pre><em> </em></pre><pre><em><br /></em></pre><pre><em><br /></em></pre><pre><em><br /></em></pre><pre><em>Makalah ini membahas dan menunjukkan pada saat yang sama tentang Islam Jawa (Islam Nusantara) yang merupakan ciri khas beberapa Muslim di dunia. Karakteristik yang dimaksud adalah kombinasi budaya Jawa (agama asli Jawa, Hindu dan Budha) dengan dimensi intrinsik Islam itu sendiri. Kombinasi ini terjadi karena diikat oleh benang merah yang disebut mistisisme, yaitu antara mistisisme Jawa dan mistisisme Islam yang merupakan senyawa. Dua konsepsi mistisisme adalah karena esensi mistisisme sebenarnya mengandung ajaran persatuan (tauhid) Tuhan. Pertemuan ini melalui mistisisme memungkinkan akulturasi antara budaya Jawa dan Islam. Tesis ini didasarkan pada rekonstruksi pemikiran guru sufi di Majelis Shalawat Muhammad di Surabaya dan Bojonegoro sebagai basis penelitian. Para guru sufi yang disebut ditempatkan sebagai sub-pergantian yang lazim dalam studi pasca-kolonial. Sebagai pengganti, makalah ini diyakini akan lebih baik menceritakan para pelaku mistisisme Islam dalam memahami dialektika antara mistisisme Islam dan budaya Jawa asli atau mistisisme Jawa itu sendiri. Hubungan mereka melahirkan apa yang disebut Islam Jawa yang khas di Indonesia.</em></pre>


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