White Rage, White Rapture

2020 ◽  
pp. 47-68
Author(s):  
Dan Sinykin
Keyword(s):  
White Supremacy ◽  
Wealth Inequality ◽  
Well Being ◽  
White Americans ◽  
White Masculinity ◽  
Two Cultures ◽  
Silent Majority ◽  
Richard Nixon ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Finance Capitalism

The racial and sexual politics of the 1960s incited a sense of crisis among a subset of white Americans, whom Richard Nixon called his “silent majority.” The beginning of the long downturn limited the scope of governmental allocation at the same time that wages began to stagnate. Nixon encouraged his silent majority to see the racial other as a threat to white well-being in this new, economically constrained America. Two cultures of whiteness, and two apocalyptic discourses, emerged: white supremacy and Christian evangelicalism. Anxieties over globalization, finance capitalism, lost manufacturing, and rising wealth inequality become transfigured in these discourses into a wounded white masculinity that performs a violent recuperation of manliness.

The Perpetuation of Gender Norms and White Hegemonic Patriarchy in the South African Defence Force as Represented in André van der Merwe’s Moffie (2006)

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Bernard Nolen Fortuin
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Military Service ◽  
Well Being ◽  
The Novel ◽  
White Family ◽  
White Children ◽  
White Masculinity ◽  
Party Government ◽  
Compulsory Military Service ◽  
The Military

With the institution of compulsory military service in South Africa in 1948 the National Party government effected a tool well shaped for the construction of hegemonic masculinities. Through this, and other structures like schools and families, white children were shaped into submissive abiding citizens. Due to the brutal nature of a militarised society, gender roles become strictly defined and perpetuated. As such, white men’s time served on the border also “toughened” them up and shaped them into hegemonic copies of each other, ready to enforce patriarchal and racist ideologies. In this article, I look at how the novel Moffie by André Carl van der Merwe (2006) illustrates hegemonic white masculinity in South Africa and how it has long been strictly regulated to perpetuate the well-being of the white family as representative of the capitalist state. I discuss the novel by looking at the ways in which the narrator is marked by service in the military, which functions as a socialising agent, but as importantly by the looming threat of the application of the term “moffie” to himself, by self or others.  

scholarly journals When Machines Take the Beans: Ex-Ante Socioeconomic Impact Evaluation of Mechanized Harvesting of Mungbean in Bangladesh and Myanmar

Agronomy ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (5) ◽  
pp. 925
Author(s):  
Lutz Depenbusch ◽  
Cathy Rozel Farnworth ◽  
Pepijn Schreinemachers ◽  
Thuzar Myint ◽  
Md Monjurul Islam ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Well Being ◽  
Careful Consideration ◽  
Women Farmers ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
Farm Work ◽  
Weather Shocks ◽  
Budget Analysis ◽  
Ex Ante ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Impact

Agricultural mechanization has spread across much of Asia since the 1960s. It has increased agricultural productivity and reduced arduous farm work. However, differing impacts for smallholders and hired laborers, and for men and women, require careful consideration. This study analyzed, ex-ante, the likely social and economic tradeoffs of mechanizing the mungbean harvest in Bangladesh and Myanmar. We used a mixed methods approach combining survey data from 852 farm households with in-depth interviews in four villages. Partial budget analysis shows that mechanical harvesting of mungbean is not yet profitable for most farms. There is nevertheless an incentive to mechanize as the associated timeliness of the harvest reduces the risk of harvest losses from weather shocks. Men and women farmers expect time savings and reduced drudgery. The results confirm that hired workers depend on manual harvesting for income and status in both countries. Most hired workers are landless married women with limited access to other sources of income. In the short term, farmers are likely to combine manual harvests and a final mechanized harvest of the indeterminate crop. This could mediate the impact on hired workers. However, in the long term, it will be necessary to facilitate income-generating opportunities for women in landless rural families to maintain their well-being and income.

scholarly journals Wealth Inequality as a Predictor of Subjective Health, Happiness and Life Satisfaction among Nepalese Women

2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (12) ◽  
pp. 2836 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zhifei He ◽  
Zhaohui Cheng ◽  
Ghose Bishwajit ◽  
Dongsheng Zou
Keyword(s):  
Economic Status ◽  
Wealth Inequality ◽  
Well Being ◽  
Developed Countries ◽  
Subjective Health ◽  
Household Wealth ◽  
The Body ◽  
Status Report ◽  
Wealth Status ◽  
Cross Sectional

Socioeconomic status has shown to be associated with subjective health, well-being, satisfaction with overall life and estimation of happiness. The body of research concerning the question of whether higher economic status leads to better health and well-being are mostly from developed countries. The present study was therefore conducted among women in Nepal with an aim to investigate whether household wealth status is associated with satisfaction about (1) self-reported health, (2) happiness, and (3) life overall. Methods: Subjects were 5226 Nepalese women aged between 15 and 24 years. Cross-sectional data were extracted from round 5 of the Nepal Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey (NMICS), conducted in 2014, and analyzed using chi-square tests of association, bivariate and multivariable regression methods. Results: Wealth status was significantly associated with satisfaction about health, estimation of happiness and satisfaction. Compared with women in the poorest households, the odds of positive estimation about overall happiness were respectively 30% higher for poorer (p < 0.0001; 95% CI = 1.653–3.190), 80% higher for middle (p = 0.001; 95% CI = 1.294–2.522), 64% higher for richer (p = 0.006; 95% CI = 1.155–2.326), and 40% higher for richest households. The odds of reporting satisfaction about life were respectively 97% higher for poorer (p < 0.0001; 95% CI = 1.680–2.317), 41% higher for middle (p < 0.0001; 95% CI = 1.165–1.715), 62% higher for richer (p < 0.0001; 95% CI = 1.313–2.003), and 31% higher for richest households (p = 0.043; 95% CI = 1.008–1.700). Conclusion: Our results conclude that women in households with lower wealth status report poorer subjective health, quality of life and happiness. However, the findings need to be interpreted in light of the existing sociocultural conditions mediating the role of household wealth status on women’s lives.

The Impact of Wealth Inequality on Economic Well-Being

Challenge ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 50 (4) ◽  
pp. 65-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward Wolff ◽  
Ajit Zacharias
Keyword(s):  
Wealth Inequality ◽  
Well Being ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Economic Well Being

Anti-Immigration Media Portrayals and Latinx Well-Being

2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 238-251
Author(s):  
Daisy Jauregui ◽  
Nataria T. Joseph ◽  
Elizabeth J. Krumrei-Mancuso
Keyword(s):  
Negative Affect ◽  
Latin American ◽  
First Generation ◽  
Pairwise Comparison ◽  
Well Being ◽  
Ethnic Identification ◽  
White Americans ◽  
Media Portrayals ◽  
Mixed Factorial Design ◽  
The Media

The current study examined the immediate impact of exposure to anti-immigration sentiments on the psychological well-being of Latinx young adults. A quasiexperimental, mixed-factorial design was used to analyze differences in mood, stress, ethnic identification, and motivation to take action after exposure to a video stressor across four groups: immigrants from Latin America, first-generation Latinx Americans, second-generation and up Latinx Americans, and non-Latinx, nonimmigrant, White Americans. Three hundred forty participants, ages 18–30, were randomly assigned to either an experimental condition involving an anti-immigration video or a control condition involving a multivitamin video. As hypothesized, those who viewed the anti-immigration video exhibited significantly higher levels of negative affect (p < .001; ηp2 =.06), stress (p < .001; ηp2 =.04), and motivation to take action (p < .001; ηp2 =.07) than those who viewed the multivitamin video. Additionally, Ethnicity/Generation American was associated with higher negative affect (p < .001, ηp2 =.06), stress (p = .01, ηp2 =.04), and motivation to take action (p < .001, ηp2 =.10) after video viewings, such that immigrants from Latin American countries and first-generation Latinx Americans tended to have greater levels than the other groups (pairwise comparison ps < .05). Contrary to our hypothesis, results indicated that firstgeneration Latinx Americans (p = .01) and non-Latinx, nonimmigrant participants (p < .001) experienced a significant decrease in ethnic identification after viewing the anti-immigration video. Our results indicate that, across the differing Ethnicities/Generations American, participants are impacted by anti-immigration sentiments in the media.

Racial Realities

2020 ◽  
pp. 9-24
Author(s):  
Natsu Taylor Saito
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Structural Change ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Racial Disparities ◽  
Civil Rights Movement ◽  
White Supremacy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Community Empowerment ◽  
American Indian Movement ◽  
The 1960S

In the 1960s, global decolonization and the civil rights movement inspired hope for structural change in the United States, but more than fifty years later, racial disparities in income and wealth, education, employment, health, housing, and incarceration remain entrenched. In addition, we have seen a resurgence of overt White supremacy following the election of President Trump. This chapter considers the potential of movements like Black Lives Matter and the Standing Rock water protectors in light of the experiences of the Black Panther Party, the American Indian Movement, and other efforts at community empowerment in the “long sixties.”

Seeds of Cynicism: The Struggle Over Campaign Finance, 1956–1974

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julian E. Zelizer
Keyword(s):  
Interest Groups ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
Public Interest ◽  
Campaign Finance ◽  
Finance Reform ◽  
Campaign Finance Reform ◽  
Richard Nixon ◽  
Political Events ◽  
Public Interest Groups ◽  
The 1960S

This chapter examines how antecedent political events created a window of opportunity for campaign finance reformers during the period 1956–1974, including a series of scandals such as Watergate. In the 1960s, campaign finance reform emerged from a reform coalition composed of legislators, experts, philanthropists, foundations, and public interest groups. The coalition succeeded in placing campaign finance reform on the national agenda even without widespread public interest or support. It left intact most of the underlying pressures on campaign finance. For example, they did not tackle the declining importance of political parties, leaving high-cost television as the principal medium of political communication. The chapter highlights the tensions that arose over campaign finance that reached a boiling point when President Richard Nixon began his second term in office.

Economic persistence despite adverse policies: Evidence from Kyrgyzstan

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Catherine Guirkinger ◽  
Gani Aldashev ◽  
Alisher Aldashev ◽  
Mate Fodor
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
Wealth Inequality ◽  
Well Being ◽  
Early 20Th Century ◽  
Material Wealth ◽  
Long Run ◽  
Generational Transmission ◽  
Relative Status ◽  
Geographic Sorting ◽  
Economic Well Being

Abstract We study the long-run persistence of relative economic well-being under adverse government policies using a combination of historical and contemporaneous data from Kyrgyzstan. After controlling for unobservable local effects, the economic well-being of Kyrgyz households in the 2010s correlates with the early 20th-century average wealth of their tribes. Inequality at the tribe level in the 2010s correlates with wealth inequality in the early 20th century. The likely channels of persistence are the inter-generational transmission of human capital, relative status, political power, and cultural traits. Transmission of material wealth, differences in natural endowments, or geographic sorting cannot explain persistence.

The Mythic Dimensions of American Capitalism

2018 ◽  
pp. 165-197
Author(s):  
Richard T. Hughes
Keyword(s):  
White Supremacy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Langston Hughes ◽  
White Americans ◽  
American Review ◽  
Systemic Racism ◽  
World Government ◽  
American Capitalism ◽  
The Social ◽  
The World

Capitalism in the United States is unthinkable apart from the myth of White Supremacy, for capitalism was built on stolen land and stolen people. Further, white Americans imagined that capitalism was God-ordained, grounded in “Nature and Nature’s God,” and heralded a golden age of peace and prosperity for all humankind. Following the Civil War, the myth of the Chosen Nation morphed into the myth that God blessed the righteous with wealth and the wicked with poverty—the central assumption of the Gospel of Wealth. Andrew Carnegie appealed to all these myths in his 1889 essay, “Wealth,” in the North American Review. Likewise, many American industrialists invoked these myths to justify their goal: the economic conquest of the world. Government and industry, however, typically excluded blacks from this engine of economic prosperity, thereby contributing to realities already in place—systemic racism and white privilege. In the early twentieth century, laissez-faire capitalism and the myths that sustained it came under withering assault from labor, the Social Gospel movement, and black social critics like W. E. B. Du Bois, Ida B. Wells, and Langston Hughes, especially since the wealth of the Gilded Age contrasted with unprecedented numbers of lynchings of America’s blacks.

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