Ireland

2021 ◽  
pp. 75-114
Author(s):  
Camilla Devitt

This chapter provides an extended look at health politics and the largely tax-financed health system in Ireland. It traces the historical development of the Irish healthcare system, characterized by the institutionalization of a health service that obliged and incentivized the middle classes to pay for their healthcare, out-of-pocket or through voluntary private health insurance. Since the late 1980s, the hospital sector has become more privatized, while universal coverage has been partially introduced to the primary sector. While center-right government legislation which institutionalized the treatment of private patients in public hospitals elicited strong parliamentary opposition from across the political spectrum, the fiscal incentivization of private hospital development, introduced by a center-right coalition, was subject to little debate. The most significant turning point in healthcare policy since 1989 has been the removal of means-testing and provision of free general practitioner care to the under-6s and the over-70s. Cross-party consensus on a plan to move towards a universal tax-based healthcare system was reached in 2017.

2021 ◽  
pp. 247-268
Author(s):  
Mi Ah Schoyen

This chapter offers an in-depth look at health politics and the predominantly tax-financed public healthcare system in Norway. It traces the development of the Norwegian healthcare system, as shaped by policy decisions affected as much by tensions between the center and the periphery as by those between left- and right-wing political leanings. Since the late 1990s, improving efficiency through enhanced coordination across the primary and secondary care sectors and the expansion of patient rights legislation have been high on the agenda. As the chapter explains, despite a far-reaching 2001 hospital reform, achieving a good balance between local hospital services close to the patient and regional hospitals able to offer more advanced specialist treatments remains on the political agenda. Questions about the public funding of private providers, made possible via a treatment choice scheme, reflect both traditional left–right and center–periphery conflict lines.


2021 ◽  
pp. 375-394
Author(s):  
Mamas Theodorou ◽  
Kostas Athanasakis

This chapter offers an in-depth look at health politics and the health system in Cyprus. It traces the development of Cyprus’s healthcare system, which underwent only minor incremental change from its founding in 1957 until 2019, despite numerous studies and proposals. Though calls for universal coverage and free-at-the-point-of-service care had become louder in the early 1990s, it took until 2001 for Parliament to establish the legal foundation for a new national health system. Still, full implementation was repeatedly postponed for many reasons, from concerns about the new system’s cost to resistance from important stakeholders, especially those that benefitted from the shortcomings of the earlier system. As the chapter explains, economic crisis ultimately created the momentum for reform, resulting in the actual full launch of the new system in 2019 and 2020.


2021 ◽  
pp. 271-274
Author(s):  
Elisa Chuliá ◽  
Karen M. Anderson

The Southern Europe regional outlook presents a comparative assessment of the historical development of the healthcare system, health politics, and selected health-related indicators for Cyprus, Greece, Italy, Portugal, and Spain. The politics of democratic consolidation has influenced the development of healthcare systems; in some periods, healthcare policies have been central to the institutional consolidation and legitimation of existing regimes, but they have also been negatively affected by the political, administrative, and financial shortcomings of these governments. All of these countries have witnessed late transitions from social insurance healthcare systems based on occupation (with fairly developed means-tested programs) to universal and mostly tax-financed national health services: Italy and Portugal made this shift in the 1970s, Spain and Greece in the 1980s, and Cyprus after 2000. As the chapter argues, the central issue in Southern Europe concerns expanding healthcare access in the context of economic vulnerability. According to indicators such as infant mortality, life expectancy, and declines in treatable mortality, health outcomes in Southern Europe are largely favorable, but austerity politics have taken their toll.


2019 ◽  
pp. 78-103
Author(s):  
S.A. Romanenko

The article is devoted to the analysis of representations about AustriaHungary in Russia in political and publicists societies including Bolsheviks, Social Democrats, liberals (cadets), as well as MFA analysts from February to October. On the basis of the materials on foreign policy and the correlation of revolution and world war, from Russian daily press and journalists, which have not been studied before, the author comes to the conclusion that the representatives of the left flank of the political spectrum had neither information nor conceptually built ideas about the situation in AustriaHungary, about the perspectives for the development of revolutionary processes in the multinational state and its direction and aims. On the other hand, this was also largely characteristic of the moods of the AustroHungarian politicians, whether progovernment or opposition,Статья посвящена анализу представлений об АвстроВенгрии в России в политических и публицистических обществахв том числе большевиков, социалдемократов, либералов (кадетов), а также аналитиков МИД с февраля по октябрь. На основе материалов по внешней политике и соотношение революции и мировой войны, из российской ежедневной прессы и журналистов, которые до этого не изучались, автор приходит к выводу, что представители левого фланга политического спектра не имели ни информации, ни концептуально выстроенных представлений о ситуации в АвстроВенгрии, о перспективах развития революционных процессов в многонациональном государстве и его направленности, а также о том, что они не могли цели. С другой стороны, это было также в значительной степени характерно для настроений австровенгерских политиков, будь то проправительственные или оппозиционные, для которых цели национального движения уже в 1917 году играли гораздо большую роль, чем для русских. Для сравнительного анализа на основе архивных материалов приводятся позиции Министерства иностранных дел (Временного правительства) и Петроградского Совета.


Author(s):  
Harry Nedelcu

The mid and late 2000s witnessed a proliferation of political parties in European party systems. Marxist, Libertarian, Pirate, and Animal parties, as well as radical-right and populist parties, have become part of an increasingly heterogeneous political spectrum generally dominated by the mainstream centre-left and centre-right. The question this article explores is what led to the surge of these parties during the first decade of the 21st century. While it is tempting to look at structural arguments or the recent late-2000s financial crisis to explain this proliferation, the emergence of these parties predates the debt-crisis and can not be described by structural shifts alone . This paper argues that the proliferation of new radical parties came about not only as a result of changes in the political space, but rather due to the very perceived presence and even strengthening of what Katz and Mair (1995) famously dubbed the "cartelization" of mainstream political parties.   Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v7i1.210


Author(s):  
Pedro Galvan ◽  
José Ortellado ◽  
Ronald Rivas ◽  
Juan Portillo ◽  
Julio Mazzoleni ◽  
...  

IntroductionInnovative health technologies, like telemedicine, offer advantageous telediagnostic apps that can improve the health care of populations in remote regions. However, evidence on how these developments can enhance universal coverage for electrocardiographic (ECG) diagnosis to support a cardiovascular disease prevention program is limited. The utility of telemedicine for attaining universal coverage for ECG diagnosis according to the national cardiovascular disease prevention program in Paraguay was investigated.MethodsThis cross-sectional survey included adults (aged 19 to 80 years) and children (aged 1 to 18 years) with a medical prescription. The study was carried out by the Telemedicine Unit to evaluate the utility of a telemedicine net for a countrywide detection and prevention program for cardiovascular disease. The results obtained by the tele-ECG net, which was implemented in sixty public hospitals countrywide, were analyzed and used to verify adherence to the cardiovascular prevention program.ResultsBetween 2014 and 2019, 331,418 remote ECG diagnoses were performed. Of these, eighty-two percent (n = 270,539) were in adults and eighteen percent (n = 60,879) were in children. Among the adult diagnoses, the majority (52%) were pathological and included sinus bradycardia (13%), right bundle branch block (6%), left ventricular hypertrophy (5%), and ventricle repolarization disorder (5%). Among the children, only twenty percent of diagnoses pathological and included sinus bradycardia (11%) and sinus tachycardia (4%). The mean rate of adherence to the prevention program was 38.2 per 1,000 diagnoses performed.ConclusionsThe results showed that telemedicine can significantly enhance coverage for universal ECG diagnosis to support cardiovascular disease prevention and health programs. However, before carrying out the systematic implementation of such a program contextualization using the regional epidemiological profile must be performed.


2021 ◽  
Vol 104 (2) ◽  
pp. 003685042199848
Author(s):  
Antonio Minni ◽  
Francesco Pilolli ◽  
Massimo Ralli ◽  
Niccolò Mevio ◽  
Luca Roncoroni ◽  
...  

The Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome Coronavirus-2 (SARS-CoV-2) pandemic had a significant impact on the Italian healthcare system, although geographical differences were present; regions in northern Italy have been the most severely affected while regions in the south of the country were relatively spared. Otolaryngologists were actively involved in the management of the pandemic. In this work, we analyzed and compared the otolaryngology surgical activity performed during the pandemic in two large public hospitals located in different Italian regions. In northern Italy, otolaryngologists were mainly involved in performing surgical tracheotomies in COVID-19 positive patients and contributed to the management of these patients in intensive care units. In central Italy, where the burden of the infection was significantly lower, otolaryngologists focused on diagnosis and treatment of emergency and oncology patients. This analysis confirms the important role of the otolaryngology specialists during the pandemic, but also highlights specific differences between two large hospitals in different Italian regions.


2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ernesto Cortés ◽  
María Mercedes Rizo-Baeza ◽  
Antonio Palazón-Bru ◽  
María José Aguilar-Cordero ◽  
Vicente Francisco Gil-Guillén

Politics ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 347-362 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dmitry Chernobrov

Accusations of treason and disloyalty have been increasingly visible in both western and international politics in recent years, from Russia and Turkey, to Brexit and the 2016 US presidential election. This article explores ‘traitor’ accusations in modern politics, with evidence from British and American newspapers for 2011–2016. Besides British and American politics, results reveal reported ‘fifth column’ accusations in over 40 countries. I identify three dominant patterns: authoritarian states describing opposition movements as a ‘fifth column’; suspicion of western Muslim populations as potential terrorists; and the use of traitor language to denote party dissent in western politics. Employed across the political spectrum, and not only by right-wing or populist movements, accusations of treason and betrayal point at a deeper breakdown of social trust and communicate collective securitizing responses to perceived threats.


Politics ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-30
Author(s):  
Robin Gray

This article concerns the relationship between policy and voter elasticity on either side of the political spectrum as an explanation of the left's post-war political failure. The core contention is that left-oriented voters are more responsive to slight deviations in policy. This is used to explain partially Labour's post-war failure to dominate power even when the ‘left's vote’ was over 50 per cent.


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