Angelo Poliziano’s Coniurationis commentarium

Author(s):  
Marta Celati

The fourth chapter focuses on Poliziano’s Coniurationis commentarium, the literary account of the Pazzi conspiracy against the Medici brothers, Lorenzo and Giuliano (1478). The critical analysis reconstructs the circumstances of composition of the text, its publication in two printed editions, and its circulation in the manuscript tradition, revealing that the work enjoyed widespread diffusion as the central pillar of pro-Medici propaganda. The investigation into the text shows that it totally adheres to the guidelines of Lorenzo de’ Medici’s cultural politics in the aftermath of the plot. The thorough examination of the changes made by Poliziano in the second version of the text confirms that its political perspective also mirrored the evolution of the political situation in Florence and in Italy in 1480. Despite being a highly propagandistic work, Poliziano’s Commentarium is also a sophisticated piece of literature produced by the eclectic combination of manifold sources drawn from the classical tradition: a conflation that reflects the humanist’s principle of docta varietas. The main prototype of Sallust is combined it with multiple references to a variety of models: other classical historians (Suetonius, Caesar, and Livy), poetry, comic authors (most of all Terence), and even technical literature (Celsus, Pliny the Elder, etc.). In particular, the extensive use of Suetonius, especially his biography of Caesar, conveys particular political overtones. One of the crucial ideological elements in the text is the representation of Lorenzo de’ Medici as an actual heroic prince, who is loved by his people and embodies the idea of the whole state.

Author(s):  
Marta Celati

This chapter presents a thorough critical study of Orazio Romano’s poem Porcaria, a not very well-known text on Stefano Porcari’s conspiracy against Pope Nicholas V, in 1453. The comprehensive analysis of this work provides a complete reconstruction of the history of the text, based on the examination of the only manuscript copy of the poem still extant, and a thorough investigation of the wide-ranging classical sources used by the author in his work: in particular Vergil, Lucan, Statius, Sallust, Livy, and Claudian. The intertextual analysis points out the complex and multifunctional process of imitation performed by Orazio Romano in the creation of his sophisticated poem: a practice that affects both stylistic and thematic elements and is also aimed at creating a complex dimension of exemplarity. Moreover, the chapter analyses the political perspective of the text, which proves to be closely connected with the system of cultural politics developed by Nicholas V in the same years. Orazio Romano’s poem, in fact, is informed by a secular dimension in dealing with the issue of the conspiracy against the pope. Nicholas V himself emerges in the Porcaria as the figure of a papal prince, whose power is legitimized by an ennobling connection with the classical tradition. Classical symbols, values, and exemplars play a prominent function in bestowing authority on a new kind of papal government typical of the Renaissance age, which assumes the traits of a secular principality.


2007 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-261
Author(s):  
Sara Brill

The discussion of immortality in Republic X is a much-maligned text whose function in the dialogue has frequently been drawn into question. This paper argues that the discussion addresses the insufficiency of the analogy between vice and disease that is established in Book IV and is challenged in Book IX by an account of tyranny which attributes to the tyrant a viciousness defying reduction to disease. It also argues that the discussion’s demonstration of immortality on the grounds of the soul’s capacity for viciousness must be read in light of its attention to the political life of the person. In its adoption of a political perspective, the discussion is designed to speak specifically to the concerns about justice thatGlaucon andAdeimantus voice in Book II.


2019 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 76-82 ◽  
Author(s):  
Giulia Cavaliere

The benefits of full ectogenesis, that is, the gestation of human fetuses outside the maternal womb, for women ground many contemporary authors’ arguments on the ethical desirability of this practice. In this paper, I present and assess two sets of arguments advanced in favour of ectogenesis: arguments stressing ectogenesis’ equality-promoting potential and arguments stressing its freedom-promoting potential. I argue that although successfully grounding a positive case for ectogenesis, these arguments have limitations in terms of their reach and scope. Concerning their limited reach, I contend that ectogenesis will likely benefit a small subset of women and, arguably, not the group who most need to achieve equality and freedom. Concerning their limited scope, I contend that these defences do not pay sufficient attention to the context in which ectogenesis would be developed and that, as a result, they risk leaving the status quo unchanged. After providing examples of these limitations, I move to my proposal concerning the role of ectogenesis in promoting women’s equality and freedom. This proposal builds on Silvia Federici’s, Mariarosa Dalla Costa’s and Selma James’ readings of the international feminist campaign ‘Wages for Housework’. It maintains that the political perspective and provocation that ectogenesis can advance should be considered and defended.


Author(s):  
Bo Wagner Sørensen

Bo Wagner Sørensen: When Culture Gets Embodied: The Notion and Phenomenon of Greenlandic “Halfies’’ The article tries to make sense of the notion of Greenlandic “halfies” by showing how the notion is part of a cultural discourse which is expressed in terms of “between two cultures”. This discourse points both to people being split between cultures and to the cultures having materialized themselves in individual bodies. In light of recent critique of the concept of culture in anthropology it is reasonable to question the essentialism underlying the expression “between two cultures”, and also to imagine that individuals who invoke it are suffering from “false consciousness”. However, it seems that the discourse causes real pain in actual bodies, and therefore it needs to be taken seriously. In the article, the discourse is put in a larger historical, social and political perspective, showing how the idea has been established that Greenlandic and Danish culture and identity are rather incompatible entities. The Greenlandic struggle for political independence has been fought to a large degree in the field of culture, which implies that people in general are informed by dichotomy thinking. Individuals who do not match up with the acknowledged criteria for Greenlandic culture and identity are inclined to be caught between cultures and loyalities, the result being that the political cultural war is reproduced and reflected in individual bodies. Due to the widespread identityhealth model according to which the ideal identity is a clear-cut and fixed ethnic identity, these individuals are often believed to experience identity crises. The article suggests that the “problem” may not be one of incompatible cultural essences, though it is widely thought so, but rather that culture and identity get politicized.  


Author(s):  
Vladimir Valentinovich Kozhevnikov

This scientific article is devoted to some theoretical problems of the theory of the political system of society. The purpose of the article is to show the true, objective position in relation to the subjects of the political system. To solve this goal, the following tasks were set: a critical analysis of the opinions of those authors who consider as such: 1) criminal communities; 2) public organizations with an insignificant political aspect. Moreover, both in the first and in the second case, it has been proven that scientists are engaged in the substitution of concepts, that is, they commit a logical error. Result: 1) criminal associations are not subjects of the political system of society; 2) according to the political criterion, it is necessary to distinguish only proper political and not proper political organizations; 3) general theoretical provisions, opposite to those stated, differing in illogicality, do not contribute to improving the quality of educational literature on the theory of state and law.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 34 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jovanka Mariana de Genova Ferreira ◽  
Gisele Pereira de Souza

Ao analisar as teorias de Pierre Bourdieu e Paulo Freire sobre educação, bem como a posição acadêmica e política dos autores sobre o tema, o artigo pretende refletir sobre projeto ‘Escola sem Partido’ e sua implicação em relação à prática dentro da sala de aula. Tal movimento que, nos últimos tempos, ganhou destaque no cenário brasileiro é contra o que chama de doutrinação política e ideológica dos alunos por parte dos professores e a usurpação dos direitos dos pais na educação moral e religiosa de seus filhos. Constatou-se que no cenário brasileiro atual existe uma iniciativa de diminuir a força da análise crítica dentro das escolas. A própria natureza do ‘Escola sem Partido’ traz essa premissa, pois a intenção de desmerecer a posição política do professor junto aos seus alunos demonstra que o propósito seja desqualificar a iniciativa de incentivar uma consciência crítica, o que, de múltiplas formas discutidas no presente estudo, colabora para que a relação oprimido e opressor prospere.Palavras-chave: Educação. Autonomia do Indivíduo. Escola sem Partido Reflections about ‘Escola sem Partido’ inspired by the theories of Paulo Freire and Pierre BourdieuAnalyzing the theories of Pierre Bourdieu and Paulo Freire on education, as well as the academic and political position of the authors on the theme, the article intends to reflect on the project “Escola Sem Partido” and its implication in relation to the practice within the classroom. This movement, which recently gained prominence in the Brazilian scenario, is against what it calls the political and ideological indoctrination of students by teachers and the usurpation of the rights of parents in the moral and religious education of their children. It was found that in the current Brazilian scenario there is an initiative to reduce the force of critical analysis within schools. The very nature of the “Escola Sem Partido” has this premise, since the intention to discredit the teacher’s political position with his students demonstrates that the purpose is to disqualify the initiative to encourage a critical conscience. What, in many ways is discussed in the present study, contributes to the oppressed and oppressive relationship to thrive.Keywords: Education. Autonomy of the Individual. Escola sem Partido. Reflexiones sobre la ‘Escola sem Partido’ inspirada por las teorías de Paulo Freire y Pierre BourdieuRESUMENAl analizar las teorías de Pierre Bourdieu y Paulo Freire sobre educación, así como la posición académica y política de los autores sobre el tema, el artículo pretende reflexionar sobre proyecto “Escola sem Partido” y su implicación con relación a la práctica dentro del aula. Tal movimiento, que en los últimos tiempos ganó destaque en el escenario brasileño está en contra lo que llama de adoctrinamiento político e ideológico de los alumnos por parte de los profesores y la usurpación de los derechos de los padres en la educación moral y religiosa de sus hijos. Se constató que en el escenario brasileño actual existe una iniciativa de disminuir la fuerza del análisis crítico dentro de las escuelas. La propia naturaleza de la “Escola sem Partido” aporta esa premisa, pues la intención de desmerecer la posición política del profesor junto a sus alumnos demuestra que el propósito sea descalificar la iniciativa de incentivar una conciencia crítica. Lo que, de múltiples formas discutidas en el presente estudio, colabora para que la relación oprimido y opresor prospere.Palabras clave: La educación. Autonomía del individuo. Escola sem Partido.


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 343
Author(s):  
Saiful Hakam

This study aims to explain about the rise of the Chinese trading culture, which is considered original at first then change progressively based on the internal process, and become damaged after making contacts with the native civilizations, is completely dissatisfying, though part of the truth is explained. Based on the critical analysis approach from the historical facts written by some scholars, the result of this study shows that the political and cultural changes were absolutely a sign of remarkable shock. Mongol conquests were contributed to these changes, though indirectly. Indian civilization was accepted by the native people, which then also influenced by the native culture. While the Islamic Nuance in Indian Ocean had been colored by Islamic nuance for approximately two centuries, wherein the trades in the middle and Chinese oceans were united naturally. Meanwhile Southeast Asia had grown rapidly after being involved in the hectic trading traffic. There were new social groups with the wealth of mobile capital, with a new spirit as the trades, in which in its development, there was a new form of state which was called as sultanate. One of the most important facts of that period is the rise of Java as a great sea power. Keywords:Chinese politic, Trading, Civilization


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-79 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fatuma N. Chege

This paper addresses the near-absence of feminist theorisation and methodological considerationsas a conceptual gap in the gender research in African contexts.Not only is this perceived gaprelevant toresearch onfamily and community but it also implicateseducational research that mainly focuses on schooling and its interactions with other social institutionstoperpetuate subordination of women. Arguably,addressing this conceptual gap effectively withincritical and scholarly analytical stanceshas the potential to enhance the unmasking of the subtle drivers of women’ssubordination, that are oftenelusive in gender analysis that is outside the feminist mission.The author usesthe analytic and critical methods of philosophyto elucidate and foreground phenomenological underpinningsthat influencethe construction of gender power relations in the context of feminist theoretical mission which advocates for the understanding of women’s subordination through their voices as well as embracing the political task of challenging and dismantling female subordination in society. The philosophical arguments advanced herein, yield recommendationsand conclusions based on critical analysis of selected examples that are derived from gender research in African contexts and which are relevant to the feminist agenda. The key objective of this paper ismake theoretical and methodological contribution to the field of gender and educational researchthat inform researchers working in 21st Century African settings in pursuance of the attainment of the United Nations SDG 5 on ensuring gender equality and not in the least, SDG 4 on quality education and lifelong learning for all.


2021 ◽  
Vol 66 (2) ◽  
pp. 55-80
Author(s):  
Cristian Nichitean

"This text attempts to trace the evolution of the political and philosophical thought of Georg Lukács, after his magnum opus History and class consciousness, as well as the influence that historical events had on this evolution. Against the dominant consensus that dismisses Lukács’s late work as an effect of his alleged “reconciliation with reality”, I argue that the line of continuity in his thought was the idea of peaceful coexistence, derived from the objective conditions – the isolation of the Soviet Union and the stabilization of Western capitalism. So, rather than explaining his choice to defend coexistence, or “socialism in one country” as a consequence of his reconciliation with, or surrender to Stalinism, one should see his compromise with Stalinism as a consequence of this choice. His commitment to the coexistence thesis shaped his final version of Marxism in a number of ways. From a political perspective, a readjustment of the temporal scale of the transition to socialism in post-revolutionary society constrained him to advocate a more realist strategy that combined revolutionary movements with evolutionary processes – this was reflected in his option for the Popular Front strategy and later in his support for the Western pacifist movements. His late philosophical work also bears the marks of this enduring political choice. Keywords: Coexistence, Marxism, irrationalism, Stalinism, democratization, socialism "


Author(s):  
Scott L. Matthews

This chapter examines the cultural politics of civil rights movement photography by analysing the work of Danny Lyon who worked as a photographer for the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee between 1962 and 1964. It explores how documentarians such as Robert Frank, Walker Evans, and James Agee inspired Lyon’s documentary work and how the political culture of the New Left influenced his work’s reception. The chapter first focuses on Lyon’s photographs of black SNCC activists in the South, particularly Robert Moses. Lyon’s photographs of Moses helped spread a romantic mythology around Moses and SNCC that was useful in recruiting white liberal support up North. Lyon also photographed the rural South’s landscapes and people extensively. Many in the New Left romanticized rural black southerners as true outsiders, the authentic opposites of their industrialized and commercialized societies back home. Consequently, Lyon’s photographs had the capacity to aestheticize the same conditions that SNCC recognized as the source of black subjugation. The chapter also highlights how these images and themes appeared and circulated in a civil rights movement photography book, The Movement, which Lyon contributed to and helped produce.


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