Reform Impulses in a Bipolar Government

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
R.V. Vaidyanatha Ayyar
Keyword(s):  
Higher Education ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Indian Education ◽  
National Commission ◽  
Special Focus ◽  
Reform Agenda ◽  
Catch Up ◽  
The Government ◽  
Set Up ◽  
A Minor

This chapter describes the far reaching changes as a result of which the Indian education system ceased to be almost exclusively public funded and closed system, how these far reaching changes were not steered by any policy of the Government, and how the policy has to catch up to do. It describes how the early initiatives of the Manmohan Government aroused great hopes that higher education was poised for remarkable transformation, and how these hopes were dashed as the Prime Minister was only a minor centre of power and could not prevail upon Arjun Singh to accept the ambitious reform agenda drawn up by the National Knowledge Commission (NKC) he set up. It also describes the special focus on skill development and the new initiatives launched during the Eleventh Five Year Plan such as the expansion of Central Universities, IITs, IIMs and NITs, and the launch of Rashtriya Madhyamik Shiksha Abhiyan (RMSA). It compares and contrasts the philosophical underpinnings and recommendations of the NKC and Yash Pal Committee on the rejuvenation of Higher Education, and critques the recommendations of that Committee’s idea of university, and its proposal to constitute a National Commission on Higher Education and Research as an imperium imperio.

scholarly journals A SUSTAINABLE GROWTH OF CLEAN ENERGY IN INDIA: A TARGET 2022

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 1069-1076
Author(s):  
Ashish Singhal, Et. al.
Keyword(s):  
Solar Energy ◽  
State Government ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Clean Energy ◽  
Sustainable Growth ◽  
Energy Demands ◽  
The People ◽  
The Government ◽  
Set Up ◽  
Energy Aspects

The extenuation of non-conventional global energy demands and changing environments is one of the most important ingredients in recent days. A case is about the study of sun energy acquired as clean energy by the government of India (GOI). GOI announced the various schemes for solar energy (SE) in the last decades because of the tremendous growth of solar energy aspects for the non-conventional sources with the support of central and state government. This article covered the progress of solar energy in India with major achievements. In this review article, the authors are trying to show the targets of the government of India (GOI) by 2022 and his vintage battle to set up a plant of solar or clean energy in India. This paper also emphasizes the different policies of GOI to schooling the people for creating the jobs in different projects like “Make in India”. This paper projected the work of the dynamic Prime Minister of India Mr. Narendra Modi and his bravura performance to increase the targets 100 GW solar energy by 2022.

The origins of Canada’s feminist foreign policy

2019 ◽  
Vol 74 (2) ◽  
pp. 191-205 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam Chapnick
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Foreign Minister ◽  
International Community ◽  
Minor Role ◽  
The Past ◽  
Canadian Foreign Policy ◽  
The Government ◽  
A Minor

In January 2019, a leading Canadian foreign policy blog, OpenCanada.org, declared that “[u]nder the government of Justin Trudeau, Canada has embraced a feminist foreign policy—gradually at first, and with fervor over the past year.” Although critics have debated the policy’s effectiveness, the embrace, if not also the fervor, was indisputable. By 2019, the Trudeau government’s second foreign minister, Chrystia Freeland, was proclaiming Canada’s feminist approach to international relations openly and regularly. The international community had also noticed. This article investigates the origins of the new Canadian foreign policy “brand.” It finds that, contrary to popular thinking, the prime minister himself played at most a minor role in the initiation of what became a full-fledged transformation of Canada’s global image.

Politics set to slow Pakistan's divestment drive

2016 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Public Sector ◽  
Economic Reform ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Structural Reforms ◽  
Short Term ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Reform Agenda ◽  
Political Patronage ◽  
The Government ◽  
Core Condition

Subject Pakistan's divestment drive. Significance Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif's government describes divestment of public sector enterprises (PSEs), involving 69 firms, as an essential part of its 2013-18 economic reform agenda. Progress thus far is limited, but the government faces rising pressure from the IMF, which made divestment a core condition of its 6.6-billion-dollar, three-year loan in September 2013. Impacts Another government led by Sharif would continue gradual divestments after 2018. Since PSEs are an important vector for distributing political patronage, structural reforms will face stiff resistance. Divestment of profitable PSEs defeats the purpose of the exercise, but the government will use them for a short-term cash boost.

E-Government in the UK

2011 ◽  
pp. 548-553 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Hudson
Keyword(s):  
Information Society ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Policy Implications ◽  
Green Paper ◽  
Minor Role ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Parliamentary Committee ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Uk ◽  
A Minor

Like many of its western counterparts, the United Kingdom (UK) government has a long history of using IT in the administration and delivery of public services. Indeed, as early as 1959 mainframe computers were introduced in order to automate some routine aspects of public administration (Margetts & Willcocks, 1992, p. 329). However, it was not until the late 1970s and early 1980s—as the UK rose to the forefront of the emerging microcomputer industry—that IT featured in policy discourse in anything other than an extremely minor fashion. Even then—despite the appointment of Kenneth Baker as the government’s first Information Technology Minister in 1981—the issue did not feature prominently and there was nothing approaching the equivalence of the neighbouring French government’s review of the long-term social and economic policy implications of L’Informatisation d’Societe commissioned in 1976 by President Valéry Giscard d’Estaing (Nora & Minc, 1980). In fact, one former government minister claimed in his diaries that Baker’s appointment to the government had more to do with finding a minor role for a politician piqued at his omission from the Cabinet than with Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher’s belief in the importance of IT related issues (Lawson, 1992). However, the agenda began to gather some pace following Thatcher’s departure in 1990. Under the helm of Prime Minister John Major, the Conservatives introduced a number of important policies—including a series of industrially focused information society initiatives aimed at boosting the use of ICTs by business. In addition, prompted perhaps by the popular emergence of the Internet, other branches of government began to show a greatly increased interest in the issue. For instance, a Parliamentary committee—the House of Lords Science and Technology Committee (1996)—produced a major report on the implications of the information society for government. In addition, the publication of a major study on the same issue by the European Union (1994) added weight to the emerging agenda. Shortly before losing power in 1997, the Major government produced what was arguably the UK government’s first systematic consideration of the implications of ICTs for government when it published an exploratory Green Paper titled Government.Direct (CITU, 1996). Though it came too late in the life of the government to advance its ideas any further than the discussion stage, it at least served to heighten the prominence of the agenda (Hudson, 2002).

E-Government in the UK

2011 ◽  
pp. 172-178
Author(s):  
John Hudson
Keyword(s):  
Information Society ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Policy Implications ◽  
Green Paper ◽  
Minor Role ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Parliamentary Committee ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Uk ◽  
A Minor

Like many of its western counterparts, the United Kingdom (UK) government has a long history of using IT in the administration and delivery of public services. Indeed, as early as 1959 mainframe computers were introduced in order to automate some routine aspects of public administration (Margetts & Willcocks, 1992, p. 329). However, it was not until the late 1970s and early 1980s—as the UK rose to the forefront of the emerging microcomputer industry—that IT featured in policy discourse in anything other than an extremely minor fashion. Even then—despite the appointment of Kenneth Baker as the government’s first Information Technology Minister in 1981—the issue did not feature prominently and there was nothing approaching the equivalence of the neighbouring French government’s review of the long-term social and economic policy implications of L’Informatisation d’Societe commissioned in 1976 by President Valéry Giscard d’Estaing (Nora & Minc, 1980). In fact, one former government minister claimed in his diaries that Baker’s appointment to the government had more to do with finding a minor role for a politician piqued at his omission from the Cabinet than with Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher’s belief in the importance of IT related issues (Lawson, 1992). However, the agenda began to gather some pace following Thatcher’s departure in 1990. Under the helm of Prime Minister John Major, the Conservatives introduced a number of important policies—including a series of industrially focused information society initiatives aimed at boosting the use of ICTs by business. In addition, prompted perhaps by the popular emergence of the Internet, other branches of government began to show a greatly increased interest in the issue. For instance, a Parliamentary committee—the House of Lords Science and Technology Committee (1996)—produced a major report on the implications of the information society for government. In addition, the publication of a major study on the same issue by the European Union (1994) added weight to the emerging agenda. Shortly before losing power in 1997, the Major government produced what was arguably the UK government’s first systematic consideration of the implications of ICTs for government when it published an exploratory Green Paper titled Government.Direct (CITU, 1996). Though it came too late in the life of the government to advance its ideas any further than the discussion stage, it at least served to heighten the prominence of the agenda (Hudson, 2002).

The Price of Victory

2020 ◽  
pp. 29-57
Author(s):  
Stephen Wall
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
The United States ◽  
Trading Bloc ◽  
Treaty Of Rome ◽  
The Government ◽  
Post War ◽  
Set Up ◽  
The Uk ◽  
European Defence Community ◽  
De Gaulle

Post-war Labour and Conservative governments saw the UK’s global interests as lying primarily with the United States and the Commonwealth. They took no part in the formation of the European Coal and Steel Community or in the proposed European Defence Community, though, when the EDC idea foundered, Prime Minister Anthony Eden played a prominent role in promoting European defence, just as Labour Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin had done in fostering the establishment of NATO. The British sent only an observer to the Messina Conference (1956) that negotiated the terms of the Treaty of Rome establishing the European Community (EEC). The UK set up its own trading bloc (EFTA) but it could not compete politically or economically with the EEC and, in 1961, the government of Prime Minister Harold Macmillan applied for EEC membership, despite the opposition of France’s President de Gaulle.

scholarly journals Strengthening Communication and Information Capacities in Malawi: Case of the Malawi National Commission for UNESCO

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 21-36
Author(s):  
Emmanuel Kondowe
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
Member State ◽  
Global Network ◽  
National Commission ◽  
National Interests ◽  
The Government ◽  
Set Up ◽  
United Nations System ◽  
Nations System ◽  
Vast Network

UNESCO is the only United Nations (UN) agency to have a global network of national cooperating bodies known as National  Commissions. The National Commissions are part of the overall constitutional architecture of the organization as it was conceived by its founders. Presently, National Commissions operate in all Member States of UNESCO. They constitute a truly global family which includes a vast network of stakeholders, partners and experts. They offer a comparative advantage to the organisation within the United Nations system. Article VII (1) of the UNESCO Constitution stipulates that “Each Member State shall make such arrangements as suit its particular conditions for the purpose of associating its principal bodies interested in educational, scientific and cultural matters with the work of the organisation, preferably by the formation of a National Commission broadly  representative of the government and such bodies” (UNESCO 2020:15). Thus, it is the constitutional obligation of each Member State to set up a National cooperating body (National Commission) or make such institutional arrangements whose principal  objective is facilitating involvement of various government Ministries, Organisations and Agencies (MOAs), institutions, universities, NGOs and individuals in the work of the Organisation. While the realisation of UNESCO’s goals is primarily entrusted in  governments, the National Commissions are expected to function as an indispensable platform where national interests, ideas and cultures are represented and interact. This review describes the contribution of the Malawi National Commission for UNESCO to strengthening communication and information capacities in Malawi to fill a perceived gap in information among some stakeholders both within and outside Malawi.

scholarly journals The Problems with Troubled Families: Rethinking the Analysis Behind the 120,000 Troubled Families Statistic

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Matt Barnes ◽  
Andy Ross
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Task Force ◽  
Research Data ◽  
Original Research ◽  
Economic Disadvantage ◽  
David Cameron ◽  
Increased Risk ◽  
Initial Identification ◽  
The Government ◽  
Set Up

In the aftermath of the 2011 England riots, the then Prime Minister David Cameron referred to a ‘small number of families as the source of a large number of problems in society’ (Cameron, 2011). Soon after, the Troubled Families Programme was set up by the government to ‘turn around’ 120,000 troubled families. Despite government rhetoric focusing on ‘neighbours from hell’ (ibid.) the initial estimate of the number of troubled families did not include any indicators of problematic behaviours, such as crime or anti-social behaviour. Instead, a measure previously used by government to classify families with multiple social and economic disadvantages was used (Social Exclusion Task Force, 2007a). This article revisits the research behind the initial identification of the 120,000 troubled families and explores more widely the overlap between families with multiple social and economic disadvantage and their engagement in problematic behaviours. Our reanalysis of the original research data reveals that although families experiencing multiple social and economic disadvantage were at an increased risk of displaying problematic behaviour, only a small minority did so.

scholarly journals Private Higher Education in Pakistan

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nelofer Halai
Keyword(s):  
Higher Education ◽  
Developing Countries ◽  
Rapid Growth ◽  
Private University ◽  
Quality Standards ◽  
Poor Quality ◽  
Private Higher Education ◽  
Tertiary Institutions ◽  
The Government ◽  
Set Up

Private higher education though a relatively recent development in Pakistan has shown very rapid growth. From the year 1983 when the first private university was established there are now more than sixty universities and degree awarding institutions in Pakistan in the private sector. Similar to the trend in other developing countries these institutions, with few exceptions, are of poor quality. While they do play a role in enhancing access to a larger number of students but the government will have to play a stronger role in ensuring that quality standards are met. Private schools set up by philanthropic trusts can be used as a model for development of tertiary institutions.

Turkey's election will be plebiscite on Erdogan

2015 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Interest Rates ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Political Will ◽  
Content Type ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
The Government ◽  
Set Up ◽  
Intelligence Service ◽  
Political Figure ◽  
Constitutional Changes

Subject Early campaigning for the June 7 general election. Significance The election is turning into a plebiscite on President Recep Tayyip Erdogan's highly personal style of government. At particular issue is whether he should be enabled to set up an executive presidency by winning the two-thirds majority in the next National Assembly that would allow constitutional changes. With no serious rivals inside or outside the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP), Erdogan's attempts to impose his political will regardless of consequences have triggered a slide in the value of the lira and a confrontation with the head of the country's intelligence service. Impacts Relations between Erdogan and Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoglu are uneasy, but Davutoglu is unlikely to be changed before the elections. Erdogan seems to have called a truce with the Central Bank, but this appears not to extend to allowing it to raise interest rates. This reflects a certain underlying pragmatism to the president's outlook, provided he has advisers around him who dare warn him of dangers. Ocalan is now a pivotal political figure in Turkey as the government has made some sort of settlement with the Kurds a key goal.

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