The Case for Ethical AI in the Military

Author(s):  
Jai Galliott ◽  
Jason Scholz

This chapter addresses the military promise of artificial intelligence (AI), which is increasing along with advances in deep learning, neural networks, and robotics. The influence of AI will be felt across the full spectrum of armed conflict—from intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance through to the offensive and defensive employment of lethal force. This is to say that AI is less of a weapon than it is a military enabler, and yet the public still liken the notion of AI in the military context with killer robots, arising from the fears made public by numerous academic, business, and government leaders about the existential risk posed by an approaching singularity and the belief that AI could trigger the next world war. The chapter then considers what constitutes militarized “artificial intelligence”; the justifications for employing AI considering the limits of deep learning and the human role in alleged “black boxes”; the wider moral advantages, disadvantages, and risks of using AI in the military domain; and the potential implications for the way in which the armed forces plan, train, and fight. In doing so, it advances the concept of ethical AI as that which yields humanitarian benefits and differentiates between minimally and maximally just versions of said AI

2008 ◽  
Vol 72 (2) ◽  
pp. 170-177 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chris Gale

Apart from an awareness of shameful treatment to some shell-shocked soldiers on active duty in the First World War, the subjects of military discipline in general and courts-martial in particular are unlikely to permeate the consciousness of the public at large or, indeed, the vast majority of criminal lawyers. This article explores some of the history of both, the current position in relation to courts-martial and the planned reforms under the Armed Forces Act 2006. That the Human Rights Act 1998 exposed some of the anomalities and worst practices of courts-martial is undeniable. It seems equally likely that the 1998 Act was at least a catalyst for the wholesale review and modernisation of military discipline carried out by the 2006 Act.


Religions ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 146
Author(s):  
Cristobal Bellolio

In their two hundred years of existence, the Chilean armed forces have had a close relationship with the Catholic faith, especially with a local version of the Virgin Mary (Virgen del Carmen), who is held as the patroness of the military. After its greatest tragedy in peacetime, when 44 soldiers—half of them Christian evangelicals—died buried in the snows of the Antuco volcano, the army and other branches of the military felt compelled to add Protestant chaplaincies to their repertoire of religious assistance, hitherto reserved for Catholics. This has been understood as a move towards a more egalitarian and inclusive understanding of religious freedom, but also as opposing exclusivist versions of liberal neutrality, in which the state fulfils its duty by taking religion out of the public sphere altogether. According to the times’ intellectual climate, the Chilean authorities have been framing these developments—not only in the military, but elsewhere—as the embodiment of a post-secular strategy, in which religion (all religion) should be welcomed back into public life and state institutions. This article presents five concerns with this chosen strategy: (a) whether inclusive secularism is a practical impossibility, since there is no way to accommodate all religious and non-religious expressions; (b) whether a post-secular narrative is adequate for states that that have not gone through the previous (secular) phase; (c) whether post-secular institutional arrangements—which entail welcoming religion in the public sphere—are adequate in countries without religious pluralism; (d) whether post-secular institutional arrangements—which entail welcoming religion in the public sphere—are not actually disparaging for non-religious people; (e) whether sponsored religious expressions and practices within public institutions put undue pressure on dissenters. This way, I offer the case of the Chilean armed forces as a proxy to illuminate the normative problems that an incipient process of growing religious pluralism and a move towards religious egalitarianism, framed as a post-secular discourse, faces in hegemonically Catholic countries.


Daedalus ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 142 (2) ◽  
pp. 49-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew A. Hill ◽  
Leonard Wong ◽  
Stephen J. Gerras

In recent decades, the U.S. military has enjoyed high levels of public confidence. We argue that the rise (and sustainment) of public confidence in the military reflects two phenomena. First, the public has a high regard for the military and its mission, arising from a shift to a professional (nonconscript) force that is perceived to be competent, fair, and accountable. Second, the public has little fear of military abuses in the domestic arena, owing chiefly to the reduced domestic presence of the military in the post – World War II era, with less emphasis on the physical defense of the homeland; and to the military's careful cultivation of an apolitical culture since Vietnam. We conclude with a brief discussion of the military's efforts to develop and encourage public-mindedness among its members, and the challenges to replicating the military approach in other institutional settings.


Author(s):  
I.A. Eryomin ◽  

The article deals with issues of the process of railway transport functioning in Western Siberia during World War I and its role in the transportation of food for the armed forces and the population of large industrial centers of European Russia. The potential of railway transport in the region in the period under review is characterized. The stages of using the regional railway transport for the delivery of goods for military needs are identified. The reasons for the crisis in railway transport and its consequences for the supply of food to the military and civilian population are analyzed.


Lituanistica ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 64 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gintaras Ramonas

The 4th Artillery Regiment and the 6th Infantry Regiment of Duke Margis of Pilėnai were relocated to Plungė as part of the efforts to strengthen the defensive capacities of Lithuania’s western territory. At first, soldiers were quartered in the buildings situated in Plungė park and later moved to the newly-built barracks. Therefore, the major aim of the article is to reveal the input of the garrison soldiers into the cultural life of Plungė as well as to contribute to the research on the topic which so far has been little studied. The article shows how the park was reorganised to adjust the new space to life and military functions, and how it was set up for the purposes of culture and free time of the army and the townspeople. It provided an opportunity to actively engage in exercise in a partly-closed space for the town dwellers and to take part in various events for the military. The park also hosted various celebrations of public holidays, summer outdoor parties for young people known as gegužinė, orchestra performances, and even served as a stage for soldiers performing songs. The garrison’s military brass band was popular and well-known in Plungė and the neighbouring towns and villages. The band would play on the occasion of seeing off and meeting soldiers; it would also perform during city festivals and gegužinė outdoor parties, thus becoming an inseparable part of the town’s cultural life. Soldiers would hold the celebrations of the Lithuanian Armed Forces, show jumping events and Military and Public Days during which they would organise parades, horse shows to the public as well as demonstrate their military preparedness. The garrison soldiers staged plays, delivered lectures to local residents and even had their own reading-room. Wearing a full-dress uniform, the regiment soldiers would attend religious and town festivals. The article shows that through involvement of the public in cultural activities, celebration of public holidays, and promotion of patriotic and civic spirit in society, the garrison became an important factor in the provincial life of independent Lithuania, which did not only have a significant influence on the town of Plungė but also earned respect among its residents.


Author(s):  
VALERIJA BERNIK

Vojaško izobraževanje je v Slovenski vojski organizirano znotraj Centra vojaških šol in ima že tridesetletno tradicijo. Zaradi hitrih sprememb na področju vojaštva in težnje po enakopravnem vključevanju v evropski in okvir Nata se tudi slovenski sistem vojaškega šolstva srečuje z izzivi, povezanimi z zagotavljanjem visoke kakovosti. Prizadevanja na tem področju so usmerjena predvsem v vključevanje v javni izobraževalni sistem. V zadnjem času nam je uspelo vzpostaviti Višjo vojaško strokovno šolo in akreditirati višješolski študijski program Vojaški menedžment. Posodobitev sistema izobraževanja častnikov ostaja izziv tudi zaradi omejitev trenutne nacionalne zakonodaje. Ključne besede Vojaško izobraževanje in usposabljanje, višješolsko strokovno izobraževanje, visokošolsko izobraževanje Abstract Military education in the Slovenian Armed Forces is provided by the Military Schools Centre and has a thirty-year tradition. Due to rapid changes in the military, and the desire for equal integration into the EU and NATO framework, the Slovenian military education system has been facing high quality-assurance challenges. The efforts in this area are mainly focus on the integration of military education into the public education system. Recently, we have managed to establish the Higher Military Vocational School (NCO College) and accredit the higher vocational study programme Military Management. Due to the limitations dictated by the current national legislation, the modernization of the officer education system also remains a challenge. Key words Military education and training, post-secondary vocational education, higher education


Author(s):  
Philip Woods

The British defeat in Burma at the hands of the Japanese in 1942 marked the longest retreat in British army history and the beginning of the longest campaign in the Second World War. It also marked a beginning of the end of the British empire, not only in Burma but also in south and south-east Asia altogether. There have been many studies of the military and civilian experiences during the retreat but this is the first book to look at the way the campaign was represented through the western media: newspapers, pictorial magazines, and newsreels. There were some twenty-six accredited war correspondents covering the campaign, and almost half of them wrote books about their experiences, mostly within a year or two of the defeat. Their accounts were heavily criticized by government officials as being misinformed and sensationalist. More recent historians, on the other hand, have criticized them for being too patriotic and optimistic in their coverage and thus giving the public an unrealistic view of how the war was progressing. This book assesses the validity of these criticisms by using original sources. It is the first book to seriously evaluate the contributions of the war correspondents and will be of value to students of journalism, media history, history and war.


Subject Executive-military relations. Significance The Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI) are once again becoming an important player in political and economic activities. The army in particular has increased its direct involvement in government-sponsored agricultural development and infrastructure projects, raising fears that it plans a full-scale political comeback. These fears are exaggerated, but the military is expanding its activities beyond the core area of defence -- with President Joko 'Jokowi' Widodo's support. Impacts Comprehensive security sector reforms are unlikely. Local communities will suffer intimidation and coercion where military units need access to land to accelerate food security programmes. However, since the public at large trusts the military, Jokowi faces limited pressure to loosen executive-military ties.


2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Hamad Bakar Hamad

Military is an arm of government authorized to use lethal force and weapons, to support the Interests of the state and some or all of its citizens. Navy, Air force and Army are the branches of military which altogether form a huge group of people with diversified professionals and spending a good portion of the countrys GDP. Military leaders, therefore, are very important assets of the military. In order for military commanders to be good leaders, they are supposed to follow a strict path of training and practical experiments for quite long time while in services. The need for the military leaders to be more transformational has been publicly discoursed in recent years, the aim is to allow more transparency in balancing the public spending without affecting the military efficiency and readiness. Are charismatic and transformation traits contradicting? Why military always produces good leaders and which leadership style is best fit into military situation were the main exploration in this paper. The results showed that, charismatic and transformational are not contradicting but rather overlapping and in fact, charismatic is one of the important traits of the transformational leadership style. Progressive, sophisticated and expensive trainings together with indispensable powers given to the military commanders are the main factors which make them good leaders compared to other leaders at the same level. Finally, the paper concluded that, the choice of the leadership style in the military is the discretion of the leaders taking into account nature of tasks, people, resources available and time needed to accomplish the task.


Author(s):  
Kristina Mani

The Honduran military has a long history of established roles oriented toward both external defense and internal security and civic action. Since the end of military rule in 1982, the military has remained a key political, economic, and social actor. Politically, the military retains a constitutional mandate as guarantor of the political system and enforcer of electoral rules. Economically, its officers direct state enterprises and manage a massive pension fund obscured from public audit. Socially, the military takes on numerous civic action tasks—building infrastructure, conserving forests, providing healthcare, and policing crime—that make the state appear to be useful to its people and bring the military into direct contact with the public almost daily. As a result, the military has ranked high in public trust in comparison with other institutions of the state. Most significantly, the military has retained the role of arbiter in the Honduran political system. This became brutally clear in the coup of 2009 that removed the elected president, Manuel Zelaya. Although new rules enhancing civilian control of the military had been instituted during the 1990s, the military’s authority in politics was restored through the coup that ousted Zelaya. As no civilian politician can succeed without support for and from the military, the missions of the armed forces have expanded substantially so that the military is an “all-purpose” institution within a remarkably weak and increasingly corrupt state.


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