Religion, Society, and Politics in Israel

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Asher Cohen
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Public Space ◽  
The State ◽  
The Public ◽  
Jewish Society ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Public Nature ◽  
Religion And State ◽  
State Relations ◽  
Western Democracies

This chapter focuses on four main aspects of relations among religion, society, and the state. The first section describes religion–state relations in Israel in comparison to the models prevalent in Western democracies. The second section categorizes the components of Jewish society in Israel by attitude toward tradition and religion. The third section focuses on the political system, with a look at the distribution of political parties based on religion and state and on models of accommodational and crisis politics. The fourth section examines two key disputes involving relations among religion, society, and the state: the public nature of the Jewish Sabbath as an expression of the struggle over the public space and the question of the boundaries of the Jewish collective, known in Israel as “who is a Jew.” After seventy years of existence, Israel still wrestles with a wide range of unresolved issues pertaining to religion, society, and state, reflecting an inability to reach stable and consensual solutions.

‘Party in the street’: The partisan politics of space

2021 ◽  
pp. 239965442110338
Author(s):  
David Jenkins ◽  
Lipin Ram
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Public Space ◽  
State Power ◽  
Public Spaces ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Democratic Legitimacy ◽  
Partisan Politics ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Public Sphere

Public space is often understood as an important ‘node’ of the public sphere. Typically, theorists of public space argue that it is through the trust, civility and openness to others which citizens cultivate within a democracy’s public spaces, that they learn how to relate to one another as fellow members of a shared polity. However, such theorizing fails to articulate how these democratic comportments learned within public spaces relate to the public sphere’s purported role in holding state power to account. In this paper, we examine the ways in which what we call ‘partisan interventions’ into public space can correct for this gap. Using the example of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPIM), we argue that the ways in which CPIM partisans actively cultivate sites of historical regional importance – such as in the village of Kayyur – should be understood as an aspect of the party’s more general concern to present itself to citizens as an agent both capable and worthy of wielding state power. Drawing on histories of supreme partisan contribution and sacrifice, the party influences the ideational background – in competition with other parties – against which it stakes its claims to democratic legitimacy. In contrast to those theorizations of public space that celebrate its separateness from the institutions of formal democratic politics and the state more broadly, the CPIM’s partisan interventions demonstrate how parties’ locations at the intersections of the state and civil society can connect the public sphere to its task of holding state power to account, thereby bringing the explicitly political questions of democratic legitimacy into the everyday spaces of a political community.

The 1972 Elections

1973 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
H. G. Nicholas
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Data Gathering ◽  
The United States ◽  
United States Constitution ◽  
The Public ◽  
Pressure Groups ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
American Elections ◽  
To Come

Elections satisfy both the practical and the theoretical requirements of classical democratic theory if they answer one question only: Who shall rule? Judged by this test the American elections of 7 November 1972 returned as clear and unequivocal an answer as the United States Constitution permits – crystal-clear as to individuals, equivocal as to parties and political forces. But the student of politics and society cannot resist treating elections as data-gathering devices on a wide range of other questions, on the state of the public mind, on the relative potency of pressure groups, on the internal health of the political parties, and, of course, on the shape of things to come. In this ancillary role American elections, despite the generous wealth of statistical material which they throw up – so much more detailed and categorized (though often less precise) than our own – Suffer in most years from one severe limitation, a limitation which in 1972 was particularly conspicuous; they do not engage the interest of more than a moderate percentage of the American citizenry. In 1972 that percentage was as low as 55 per cent, i.e. out of an estimated eligible population of 139,642,000 only 77,000,000 went to the polls. Since this circumscribes the conclusions which can be drawn from the results themselves, as well as constituting a phenomenon of considerable intrinsic interest, it seems worthwhile to begin any examination of the 1972 elections by an analysis not of the votes counted but of those which were never cast.

scholarly journals The Role of Religion in Turkish-Uzbek Relations

2020 ◽  
Vol 03 (12) ◽  
Author(s):  
A. Sh. Sharipov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Religious Education ◽  
The State ◽  
Islamic Finance ◽  
Religious Activity ◽  
Religious Control ◽  
Religion And State ◽  
State Relations ◽  
Role Of Religion ◽  
Ruling Party

This article analyzes the role and place of religion in Uzbek-Turkish relations. In both countries, the Sunni sect of Islam is predominant. In Uzbekistan, religion is separated from the state, and religious activity is fully controlled by the state. The ruling party in Turkey makes extensive use of Islamic elements in governing. Mirziyoyev's rise to power in Uzbekistan marked the beginning of religious cooperation. In Uzbekistan, where religious control has been strong for many years, various forms of religious education, such as Islamic finance and foundation work, have been inactive. Today, after Saudi Arabia and Iran, Turkey claims to be a leader in the Islamic world. The extent to which Turkey's experience in religion and state relations is relevant to Uzbekistan is important.

scholarly journals FEATURES OF THE FORMATION OF THE PARTY SYSTEM OF MODERN UKRAINE

2018 ◽  
pp. 8-15
Author(s):  
Іvan Pobochiy
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Party System ◽  
Political Orientation ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
National Interests ◽  
New Parties ◽  
The Public

The level of social harmony in society and the development of democracy depends to a large extent on the level of development of parties, their ideological and political orientation, methods and means of action. The purpose of the article is to study the party system of Ukraine and directions of its development, which is extremely complex and controversial. The methods. The research has led to the use of such scientific search methods as a system that allowed the party system of Ukraine to be considered as a holistic organism, and the historical and political method proved to be very effective in analyzing the historical preconditions and peculiarities of the formation of the party system. The results. The incompetent, colonial past and the associated cruel national oppression, terror, famine, and violent Russification caused the contradictory and dramatic nature of modernization, the actual absence of social groups and their leaders interested in it, and the relatively passive reaction of society to the challenges of history. Officials have been nominated by mafia clans, who were supposed to protect their interests and pursue their policies. Political struggle in the state took place not between influential political parties, but between territorial-regional clans. The party system of Ukraine after the Maidan and the beginning of the war on the Donbass were undergoing significant changes. On the political scene, new parties emerged in the course of the protests and after their completion — «Petro Poroshenko Bloc», «People’s Front», «Self-help»), which to some extent became spokespeople for not regional, but national interests. Pro-European direction is the main feature of the leading political parties that have formed a coalition in the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine. Conclusion. The party system of Ukraine as a result of social processes is at the beginning of a new stage in its development, an important feature of which is the increase in the influence of society (direct and indirect) on the political life of the state. Obviously, there is a demand from the public for the emergence of new politicians, new leaders and new political forces that citizens would like to see first and foremost speakers and defenders of their interests.

Combating corruption in customs authorities in the context of ensuring the efficiency of public governance

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. Lipentsev ◽  
O. Voytyk ◽  
N. Maziy
Keyword(s):  
Public Administration ◽  
Code Of Ethics ◽  
The State ◽  
Main Body ◽  
Public Governance ◽  
Public Authorities ◽  
Material Wealth ◽  
The Public ◽  
Legal Standards ◽  
Wide Range

Problem setting. The system of public administration is a complex set of related elements and entities that interact with each other, so the manifestation of negative corruption minimizes the possibility of achieving positive results in the process of these communications. Special attention should be paid to the functioning of the customs system, which is an important part of the national economy of Ukraine. In this area, corruption abuses are extremely pronounced, given the peculiarities of the customs industry. This problem is acute and urgent, as its existence causes the progression of those negative phenomena that are currently present in the customs system of Ukraine and reduce the effectiveness of public administration in general.Recent research and publications analysis. The issue of corruption in the context of public administration is the subject of research by many scientists: V. Averyanov, O. Antonova, V. Bashtannyk, Y. Bytyak, I. Borodin, A. Vasyliev, I. Golosnichenko, E. Dodin, L. Koval, V. Kolpakov, A. Komzyuk, N. Lypovska, V. Olefir, O. Ostapenko, I. Pakhomov, O. Petrenko, S. Seryogin, I. Khozhylo, V. Shamray, H. Yarmaki etc. Given the wide range of researchers who study the specifics of corruption in the context of public administration, it is worth noting the significant gaps in the assessment of this issue from a sectoral perspective. In particular, it should be noted the great need to study corruption in customs and find ways to minimize this shameful phenomenon in modern conditions.Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. The need to analyze corruption processes in the customs authorities and substantiate offers for anti-corruption actions in the field of public administration led to the choice of the topic of the article.Paper main body. Corruption in the general sense can be defined as the illegal activity of persons called to perform the functions of the state, in the form of misuse of their powers in order to obtain benefits by increasing their material wealth, obtaining illegal services or benefits.Global trends indicate the presence of corruption in all countries, so this issue is a priority in solving all spheres of life, both developed and developing countries. In particular, public administration of European countries in the political, informational, institutional and legal context is aimed at combating corruption. To this end, there are such institutions common to EU countries as Greco, the Venice Commission, Olaf, Eurojust, Europol and others. At the interstate level, they coordinate and provide information and analytical support for anti-corruption measures, develop common legal standards in the form of community regulations.In the field of public administration, there is a sufficient legal resource on the basis of which it is possible to ensure anti-corruption policy in the state and, in particular, in the customs sphere. However, the customs system is characterized by a wide range of unresolved issues related to corruption abuses. Accordingly, there is a need to develop offers for overcoming and preventing corruption: development and implementation in the practice of customs authorities of methodological recommendations relating to their employees and aimed at resolving conflicts related to corruption; observance by customs officers of relevant ethical norms, which must harmonize with anti-corruption activities; effective application of responsibility to those guilty of corruption and comprehensive implementation of measures aimed at combating corruption; clear identification of those responsible for corruption in areas where there is a high risk of such abuses; regulation of procedures aimed at preventing corruption of customs officers in the performance of their official duties.Anti-corruption in customs authorities in the context of ensuring the effectiveness of public administration should include the implementation of the following measures: development of conceptual foundations of anti-corruption policy in the customs sphere; adopt a Code of Ethics for Customs Officers in accordance with the needs of anti-corruption policy; effective implementation of the principle of equality before the law in the context of reducing corruption; ensuring equal responsibility for corrupt actions not only for individuals but also for legal entities; ensure the absence of immunity from corrupt practices for officials, including senior executives; delimit the powers of bodies engaged in anti-corruption activities; to intensify the public to combat corruption; wide informing of the public about cases of corruption in customs bodies.Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. The problem of corruption in public authorities is a long-standing and painful issue in Ukraine. This problem is especially acute in the activities of customs authorities, as their activities are directly related to foreign economic activity, significant flows of goods and flows of financial resources across the customs border of the state. In turn, this is a direct threat to the country’s national security. Given the fact that Ukraine ranks relatively low in global rankings on the existence of corruption abuses, it is necessary to take decisive measures to reduce the manifestations of this phenomenon, in particular, in the customs authorities.

Introduction

2019 ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Fabio Wolkenstein
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
The State ◽  
Representative Democracy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Academic Interest ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Public Debates ◽  
Left And Right ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
Western Democracies

In addition to summarizing the book’s main themes as described, this Introduction places special emphasis on connecting the problem animating the book—the apparent incapacity of contemporary parties to mediate between citizens and the state—to current political developments in established Western democracies, showing that the issues the book addresses are not only of academic interest but also directly relevant to ongoing public debates about the state and health of representative democracy. Chief amongst the themes foregrounded here is the rise of so-called ‘populist’ parties on the left and right of the political spectrum, as well as the re-branding of established political actors as ‘movements’ (think, e.g. of Emmanuel Macron’s La République en Marche). These phenomena are interpreted as part of a larger ‘revolt against intermediary bodies’—meaning first and foremost a rebellion against political parties. The Introduction suggests that this ‘revolt’ brings with it only a temporary shift in how representative politics looks, without actually reversing the disconnect between parties and voters or compelling established political parties to give up their privileges and de-colonize the institutions of the state. This argument sets the stage for the book’s core contention that more thought has to be put into finding ways to reconnect political parties with society.

What Makes Public Space Public? The Chaos of Public Space Definitions and a New Epistemological Approach

2019 ◽  
Vol 52 (5) ◽  
pp. 749-770
Author(s):  
Xuefan Zhang ◽  
Yanling He
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
The Public ◽  
Real Definition ◽  
Public Nature

While the concept of public space is frequently referenced, its definition is ambiguous. Current studies have attempted to clarify the definitions of public space. However, the supposed definitions of public space are usually contradictory upon further inspection. This article argues that epistemological assumptions are the main reason for these logical problems. The entity view, the preference for a real definition, and the concentration on “space in plan” should be changed. Inspired by Wittgenstein’s epistemology, this article proposes a framework for defining public space, which will help administrators flexibly and consistently identify the public nature of diverse semipublic spaces.

scholarly journals TEHERAN

2003 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leif Tøfting Kongsgaard
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Government Control ◽  
Private Space ◽  
The Public ◽  
Positive Feature ◽  
Religion And State ◽  
The City ◽  
Positive Force ◽  
Financial Aspect ◽  
People Today

In this article it is argued that Tehran itself as well as the Iranians’ conception of Tehran is changing. The size of Tehran, the capital of Iran, has within a few decades risen explosively from no more than 300.000 inhabitants in the 1930s to more than 9 million people today. At the same time the city has experienced a radical demographic divide between the lower, warmer, poorer and more traditional South and the richer, more modern North close to the cooler mountains. The conception of Tehran today is that of “a modern part” of Iran; i.e. North Tehran. While everybody agrees that Tehran is modern, the significance of this modernity is vehemently debated. The technological and financial aspect of Tehran’s modernity is unanimously seen as a positive feature, whereas the individualistic aspect of this modernity to some Iranians is seen as a moral threat to society, while others see it as a liberalising and positive force in society. In other words Tehran has become the battlefield of morality where “true Islam” meets “modern corruption”, “true Iranianism” meets “Western decadence” etc. And nowhere is this seen more explicitly than in the parks of Tehran. The urban parks have within the last decade developed into semi-private spaces partly free of government control, neighbours’ gossip and family restrictions. The culture of the private space (the home) has thus been moved into the public space, and at the same time this transformation causes the emergence of the modern, secularised urban individual, which to some extent demands separation of religion and state. This urban individual can no longer be controlled by the local priest and cannot be restricted from receiving news and viewpoints from outside of the national state-controlled media. Tehran has in this way become a physical and symbolical battlefield, where the dialectical and often contradicting moral consequences of modernity are being negotiated, restricted and craved.  

scholarly journals Intrepretasi Kontekstual Ahmad Syafi’i Ma’arif Atas Peran Perempuan di Ruang Publik dalam QS. An-Nisa: 34

2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 105
Author(s):  
Muhammad Alwi
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Gender Equality ◽  
The State ◽  
Religious Leader ◽  
Arab Women ◽  
Important Work ◽  
Female Role ◽  
The Public ◽  
Role Of Women

Artikel ini bertujuan untuk mendialogkan pemahaman Ahmad Syafi’i Ma’arif, seorang negarawan dan agamawan di Indonesia kontemporer, atas QS. an-Nisa: 34 dengan diskursus kesetaraan gender dalam mengkontekstualisasikan ajaran Islam di Indonesia, termasuk peran perempuan di ruang publik. Letak penting pemahaman Ahmad Syaf’i Ma’arif adalah kemampuannya dalam memberi sikap tengah, tidak konservatif dan tidak juga liberal, dalam mengemukakan spirit kepemimpinan perempuan menurut Islam dan Negara. Syafi’i Maarif menilai wacana konteks antara Arab-Indonesia tidak dapat diabaikan ketika pembaca teks hendak memahami kandungan QS. an-Nisa: 34. Perempuan Arab memiliki ruang dan dinamikanya sendiri, yang berbeda dengan perempuan di Indonesia, sehingga konteks ini berpengaruh dalam memahami al-Qur’an. Catatan kesetaraan gender Syafii Maarif adalah ada keadaan tertentu, seperti mengandung dan melahirkan, yang hanya dilakukan oleh perempuan. Upaya Ahmad Syafii Maarif dalam mengkontekstualisasikan QS. an-Nisa: 34 adalah kerja penting atas pembumian al-Qur’an sebagai pedoman (QS. al-Baqarah: 2 dan 185) ke dalam kehidupan masyarakat Indonesia, sehingga Islam yang rahmatan lil alamin dapat dirasakan dari segi pengangkatan peran perempuan di ruang publik.[This article aims to provide understanding of Ahmad Syafi’i Ma’arif, an Indonesian statesman and religious leader, over QS. An-Nisa: 34 with the discourse of gender equality in the contextualization of Islamic teachings in Indonesia, including the role of women in public space. The important point of understanding Ahmad Syaf’i Ma’arif is in his ability to give a central, non conservative and illiberal in raising the leadership spirit of women according to Islam and the state. Syafi’i Maarif assessed that the context discourse between Arab-Indonesia can not be ignored when the reader want to understand the content of QS. An-Nisa: 34. Arab women have its own space and dynamism, that is different from women in Indonesia, so this context is influential in understanding the Qur’an. The notion of the gender equality of Syafi’s Ma’arif is that there are certain circumstances, such as pregnant and childbirth, that only women can do.  The efforts of Ahmad Syafi’i Ma’arif in contextualizing QS. An- Nisa: 34 is an important work on the ground of the Qur’an as a guideline (QS. Al-Baqarah: 2 and 185) into the lives of Indonesian society, so that Islam, as rahmatan lil alamin, can be felt in terms of the female role in the public space.]

scholarly journals Civil Sector of State Governance: New Forms of Self-Organization and the Community’s Participation in the Context of Digitization of the Public Space

2021 ◽  
pp. 67-75
Author(s):  
Aleksandr Solov'ev ◽  
Galina Pushkareva
Keyword(s):  
Public Administration ◽  
Public Space ◽  
The State ◽  
Self Organization ◽  
The Public ◽  
State Management ◽  
State Governance ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
Civil Sector

As digital technologies develop, a new form of relations between the state and the public is developing as well. Additional opportunities for the expression of public interests and the establishment of values preferred by the society arise, new mechanisms of political mobilization develop, new forms of public organization and self-organization emerge, the social media gain more power, and local and general public narrative develop on a number of online platforms. With the digitization of the public space, the state is forced to change its communication strategies and improve the dialogue between the government and the society based on deliberative democracy principles. After analysing the architecture of public communication emerging in new conditions the paper concludes that Russia is making certain efforts to adapt for the new digitized reality. However, current state priorities are shifting towards e-government and the digital economy. On the one hand, it seems justified, as it allows to bring the public services to a completely new level, reduce corruption risks, and simplify state management of economic processes. On the other hand, the lack of due attention to the issues of openness of public administration and involvement of citizens in making public decisions results in accumulation of contradictions in the public area of public administration, as well as increasing mutual misunderstanding and distrust between the state bodies and the civil society, which may entail bursts of social discontent and protests.

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