The Oxford Handbook of Modern German History

The Oxford Handbook of Modern German History is a multi-author survey of German history that features syntheses of major topics by an international team of scholars. Emphasizing demographic, economic, and political history, this text places German history in a denser transnational context than any other general history of Germany. It underscores the centrality of war to the unfolding of German history, and shows how it dramatically affected the development of German nationalism and the structure of German politics. It also reaches out to scholars and students beyond the field of history with detailed chapters on religious history and on literary history, as well as to contemporary observers, with reflections on Germany and the European Union, and on ‘multi-cultural Germany’. Covering the period from around 1760 to the present, this book represents a synthesis based on current scholarship. It constitutes the starting point for anyone trying to understand the complexities of German history as well as the state of scholarly reflection on Germany's dramatic, often destructive, integration into the community of modern nations. As it brings this story to the present, it also places the current post-unification Federal Republic of Germany into a multifaceted historical context.

Author(s):  
D. V., Petrosyan

The Contemporary Federal Republic of Germany is the leader of the European Union, on which the development of the European Union and European-transatlantic relations largely depends. The Federal Republic of Germany determines the main content and direction of the EU policy towards the Russian Federation. Russian-German relations have a significant impact on the solution of many world problems. The unification of two states at the end of the 20th century – the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic — became one of the greatest and most significant events in the history of Germany and world politics. The creation of a unified German state contributed to the change of both the economic and political situation of Germany in Europe and in international relations. They are one of the determining factors of global politics and directly related to the European world order, therefore, the study of the philosophy and nature of German foreign policy in the postbipolar world is a topic and important task for specialists. The article considers the internal and external conditions and factors affecting the foreign policy of Germany in the postbipolar world.


1998 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 140-159 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gavriel D. Roseneld

Few issues have possessed the centrality or sparked as much controversyin the postwar history of the Federal Republic of Germany(FRG) as the struggle to come to terms with the nation’s Nazi past.This struggle, commonly known by the disputed term Vergangenheitsbewältigung,has cast a long shadow upon nearly all dimensions ofGerman political, social, economic, and cultural life and has preventedthe nation from attaining a normalized state of existence inthe postwar period. Recent scholarly analyses of German memoryhave helped to broaden our understanding of how “successful” theGermans have been in mastering their Nazi past and have shed lighton the impact of the Nazi legacy on postwar German politics andculture. Even so, important gaps remain in our understanding ofhow the memory of the Third Reich has shaped the postwar life ofthe Federal Republic.


Author(s):  
N. Pavlov

In terms of Germany's foreign policy the concept of “chancellor democracy” begins to lose its validity. Nonetheless, the head of the government remains, as before, the leading political actor. In accordance with their own styles and characters each of the chancellors left their mark in the history of the Federal Republic of Germany. Many German political scientists and historians are right to understand the “chancellor democracy” as historical concentration of power in the Federal chancellery to the detriment of ministerial principle. Indeed, in all turning points of German history the most important decisions had been taken by the Federal chancellery and by the Chancellor alone.


2008 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 127-134 ◽  
Author(s):  
KARL CHRISTIAN LAMMERS

The downfall and disappearance of the German Democratic Republic, the GDR, and the unification in 1990 of the two German states into the Federal Republic of Germany, the FRG, marked the end of an era. Forty years of divided and non-simultaneous German history had been brought to an end, and the national or German question had at last been solved. Since 1990 German history has continued as the history of the Federal Republic. From this perspective 1990 marked not an absolute end, but the continuity of the Federal Republic and to some degree even the triumph of the political, economic and social system of the FRG, as the inhabitants of the socialist GDR, when they had the opportunity, voted for joining the successful and wealthy West German state. The end of divided history, however, has had another consequence. Even if the era of the GDR, because of the very favourable archive situation, attracted great attention among historians, the focus of historical research has turned more and more to the history of the Federal Republic in order to analyse and explain why the FRG ended as a success, while the socialist GDR failed in its ambitions and aspirations as an alternative Germany. History demonstrated that the GDR was no German option, although for some time it was a German reality.


2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ralf Haekel

AbstractFor the past two decades, the scholarly discussion about the merits of neuroscience and cognitive science for literary studies has been, in Germany at least, a rather heated affair. This debate, however, has been much less interdisciplinary than the subject matter would suggest and has mainly taken placeThe need to historicise this relationship is part of a more encompassing claim. I believe it is necessary to focus on theory not as something external to, but as a self-reflexive aspect of, literature itself. This implies the need to investigate the mind and cognition only if it is part of the literary work’s self-reflexive scope within a given historical context. Historically, this reflexion presupposes a network in which scientific theories of the mind play a key role. My main example is the imagination. In this context, I will also focus on the rejection of dualism, or rather: the way that René Descartes’s philosophy, especially his distinction betweenOne key problem within CLS has been the focus on theThis historicist approach to cognition as a self-reflexive aspect of literature, on the one hand, and a reflection on science, on the other, necessarily implies a rejection of any universalising approach to literary works of art. The theoretical historicism proposed in this paper presupposes a turn towards the time-bound and the particular, and respective conceptualisations of authorship, literary production, and the text itself. In order to make my point, I will focus on one key concept and cognitive faculty in the history of the humanities: the creative imagination. A historical approach to the imagination in the light of cognitive science – such as championed by Alan Richardson and Mark J. Bruhn in the field of Romantic Studies – thus serves as my starting point. To make my argument, I will focus on three historically crucial phases as they are periods of transition both within literary history and the history of science: the early seventeenth century as the beginning of the scientific revolution, the Romantic period as a second scientific revolution, and literary Modernism as the formative phase of our contemporary scientific worldview. All three literary examples – Shakespeare, Coleridge, Joyce – can and must be seen as paradigmatic of their age as well as instrumental in bringing about literary change. At the same time, these examples will serve as flashlights to highlight a general trend.


2017 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 304-317
Author(s):  
Reinhard Mehring

After 1945, Carl Schmitt largely revoked his nationalist positions from before the war, although he also rarely publicly voiced his opinion about the Federal Republic of Germany and the development of the European Union. However, his complex system of categories offers manifold possibilities for an independent update. This paper aims to sketch the development of Schmitt?s friend-enemy theory in his Theory of the Partisan, adapting this treatise to present issues. It further tries to, using Schmitt?s categories, address the current situation in the EU from the perspective of the Federal Republic of Germany.


1997 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 84-85

The Governments of the Federal Republic of Germany and the Czech Republic Recalling the Treaty of 27 February 1992 on Good-neighborliness and Friendly Cooperation between the Federal Republic of Germany and the Czech and Slovak Federal Republic with which Germans and Czechs reached out to each other, Mindful of the long history of fruitful and peaceful, good-neighborly relations between Germans and Czechs during which a rich and continuing cultural heritage was created, Convinced that injustice inflicted in the past cannot be undone but at best alleviated, and that in doing so no new injustice must arise, Aware that the Federal Republic of Germany strongly supports the Czech Republic's accession to the European Union and the North Atlantic Alliance because it is convinced that this is in their common interest.


Author(s):  
Bumke Christian ◽  
Voßkuhle Andreas

This chapter discusses the relevant provisions of Art. 23 et seq. of the Grundgesetz (GG) with regard to the international integration of the Federal Republic of Germany. Art. 23 establishes a special constitutional basis for Germany's participation in the founding of the European Union. Art. 23 para. 1 s. 2 GG contains a provision on authorisation to transfer sovereign powers, whereas Art. 23 para. 1 s. 1 includes a ‘structural safeguard clause’ which imposes limits on legislation integrating Germany into the EU. The chapter examines the Federal Constitutional Court's jurisprudence concerning Germany's integration into the EU, with emphasis on issues such as transfer of sovereign powers, the relationship between EU law and national law, and limits on the legislature when passing EU integration laws. It also considers the provision allowing Germany to enter into a collective security system, focussing on the limits on sovereign rights.


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