Estates, Orders and Corps

Author(s):  
Gail Bossenga

Estates, orders, and corps provided one of the most important means of conceptualizing and organizing society in the old regime. According to a long-standing, and not infrequently contested ideal, European society was composed of a series of hierarchically arranged social groups (estates, orders, and corps), each with a prescribed function and corresponding degree of honour and privileges. In its simplest form, society consisted of three basic groups: the First Estate, the clergy, who prayed; the Second Estate, the nobility, who fought; and the Third Estate, the common people, who worked. This hierarchy of superiority and inferiority was, according to some theorists of the period, inscribed in the order of the universe, so that the terrestrial human hierarchy participated in a greater, divinely sanctioned celestial hierarchy.

Author(s):  
Christy Pichichero

This increasing care for and recognition of the common soldier set the stage for the new patriotic and heroic ideologies explored in chapter four. In this, neither social status nor simply winning battles were sufficient and the heroism of the monarch and aristocratic warriors came under scrutiny. New faces came to populate a democratizing heroic imaginary – those ofcommon soldiers and non-commissioned officers – and their acts were increasingly told through various secular and popular artistic media. Novels, plays, and military writings championed the patriotic military fervor and potential for heroism of different social groups: common men of the Third Estate, French women, foreigners serving in the French armed forces, and religious and ethnic “Others” allied with the French. These new heroes and heroines were recognized in the cultural imaginary and, to some extent, in practice as members of the military moved to protect, acknowledge, and reward them for their service.


Law in Common ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 213-240
Author(s):  
Tom Johnson

This chapter explores the growing use of English as a written ‘legal vernacular’ over the course of the fifteenth century. It argues that one can only understand the emergence of vernacular writing in legal discourse by looking to the local contexts of legal production. The emergence of English as a legal vernacular did not take hold uniformly across late-medieval society, and so we need to think more carefully about the specific kinds of discursive value that it held; the chapter argues that, as a legal language, English worked as a signifier of authenticity, a mode of signalling fidelity to real speech, and as a way of gesturing towards wider audiences or publics. This leads to the third argument that the growing significance granted to English as a legal language affected common people in late-medieval England in ambivalent ways. While in some ways the processes of vernacularization in the fifteenth century seem to follow a trajectory towards a more inclusive public discourse, as the ‘common tongue’ spoken by the majority of the populace became a language appropriate for expressing ideas about legitimacy, it was ultimately constrained by the relatively limited modes in which English was allowed to be legal.


Slavic Review ◽  
1998 ◽  
Vol 57 (1) ◽  
pp. 28-49 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander M. Martin

It was long accepted throughout the European world that a father's authority over his children should be unchallengeable and that the authority of monarchs and noble lords was absolute because they, too, were “fathers” to their subjects. A profound shift in this thinking occurred during the eighteenth century, however, as increasingly critical attitudes toward paternal authoritarianism subverted the patriarchal ideology that undergirded the old regime. Recent scholarship has even linked the outbreak of the American and French Revolutions to these changing beliefs about the nature of the family. These ideas had a powerful impact among Russia's westernized upper class and drove conservatives to search for a less harshly authoritarian justification for the old regime. Much soul-searching went into their attempt to reconcile autocracy and serfdom with the respect for human dignity and the delicate moral sensibilité that were increasingly expected of any cultivated European. Slavophilism, which glorified the common people and emphasized the duties of monarch and nobility, represented one outcome of this quest. The anguished process by which proto-Slavophile beliefs evolved out of the noble culture of the Catherinian age is strikingly apparent in the turbulent biography of the poet, playwright, journalist, and amateur historian Sergei Nikolaevich Glinka.


1997 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 137-154 ◽  
Author(s):  
Clive Barnett

Recent interest amongst critical human geographers in postcolonial theory has been framed by a concern for the relationship between ‘polities’ and ‘theory’. In this paper I address debates in the field of colonial discourse analysis in order to explore the connections between particular conceptions of language and particular models of politics to which oppositional academics consider themselves responsible, The rhetorical representation of empowerment and disempowerment through figures of ‘speech’ and ‘silence’, respectively, is critically examined in order to expose the limits of this representation of power relations. Through a reading of Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak's account of the dilemmas of subaltern representation, contrasted to that of Benita Parry, and staged via an account of their different interpretations of the exemplary postcolonial fictions of J M Coetzee, it is argued that the deconstruction of the conventional metaphories of speech and silence calls into view the irreducible textuality of the work of representation. This implies that questions about institutional positionality and academic authority be kept squarely in sight when discussing the problems of representing the struggles and agency of marginalised social groups. It is suggested that the continuing suspicion of literary and cultural theory amongst social scientists for being insufficiently ‘materialist’ and/or ‘political’ may serve to reproduce certain forms of institutionally sanctioned disciplinary authority.


Author(s):  
Moshe J. Rosman

This chapter evaluates the social conflicts in Międzybóż in the generation of the Besht. It characterizes the alignment of various social groups in the town, and suggests implications that these may have had for the Besht's status in the town and for the development of early hasidism. Discussions of social conflict in the Jewish communities of eighteenth-century Poland generally tend to consider the phenomenon in terms of the élite class versus the ‘common people’. According to the usual construction, rich, politically powerful individuals, particularly those with close ties to Polish magnates, monopolized control over the institutional resources of the Jewish community in order to benefit themselves and exploit or oppress the poor and powerless. There is evidence that, to some extent, this paradigm fits the circumstances of the Jews in Międzybóż during the time of the Besht's residence there.


Author(s):  
Shin'ya Ueda

This article traces the transformation of Huế from an open migrant society to a closed community from the seventeenth through nineteenth centuries through an examination of the village documents of Thanh Phước in Thừa Thiên Huế province. In Thanh Phước, the expansion of cultivated land reached its limits around the end of the seventeenth century. Subsequently, continuous population pressure resulted in the emergence of social groups with closed and fixed membership called làng and dòng họ after the eighteenth century. A significant feature of this social development was that the patrilineal kinship favoured by Confucianism was used to protect the vested interests of the earliest inhabitants of the village and their descendants. This indicates that the penetration of Confucianism among the common people and the development and stagnation of agriculture in early modern Vietnam were mutual, complementary phenomena.


2018 ◽  
Vol 69 (2) ◽  
pp. 184-198
Author(s):  
Heidemarie Salevsky

Interpreting as a form of mediated interlingual communication can be traced back to the third millennium B.C. in the secular sphere. In the Bible Nehemiah 8 shows how Hebrew passages were rendered into Aramaic. Luther’s translation (1984) of Neh 8.8 is compared in the article with RSV (1952), NRSV (1989), and the Russian Tolkovaja Biblija (1904–1907/1987). The emergence of targumim can be attributed to the need to render Hebrew texts into Aramaic, especially in the synagogue service. The Babylonian Talmud acknowledges this as established practice and gives elaborate instructions as to the correct way of delivering the targumim. They are often interpretive to an extent that far exceeds the bounds of translation or even paraphrase because the interpreter ( meturgeman) had to transmit the teachings of the rabbi to the common people by placing the original text into a wider context or by amplifying and explaining it.


2021 ◽  
Vol VI (III) ◽  
pp. 49-58
Author(s):  
Razia Shabana ◽  
Lubna Qasim ◽  
Abdul Nasir Zamir

Islam provides ethical rules for media also. The human beingis independent and respectable. The material should bebeneficial for all. Islamic rules for journalistic ethics are authentic. Muslimsare responsible for the reformation of the world. Islam clears the basicconcept of the universe, human being, and code of life that is God made.Islam provides rules for media persons, material, and conveying process.These are compulsory for Muslims and general for all over the world.Reformation, through media, is crucial to protect the nations. It is difficult,to tell the truth to rulers and powerful people but very important to stopbeing cruel to the common people. Media is controlling the thinking leveland direction of the world. The media may be wrong or right. Islam provideseternal journalistic ethics. If Muslims, especially and rest of the world,generally act upon these ethical rules, media cannot be harmful.


2018 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 48-55
Author(s):  
Helena Avelar de Carvalho

This article argues that the basic tenets of astrology were not restricted to astrologers but were known to, and understood by, most people. It presents two thirteenth-century Portuguese songs of mockery describing the misfortunes of a self-proclaimed astrologer and the unpleasant, but hilarious, consequences of his poor understanding of astrology. These songs were also very popular in the thirteenth century among all social groups, from the common people to the royal court. For these jokes to be understood, the public had to recognize at least a few technical terms, otherwise the joke would simply not have worked.


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