Libertarianism

Author(s):  
Jason Brennan

Historically, Americans have seen libertarians as far outside the mainstream, but with the rise of the Tea Party movement, libertarian principles have risen to the forefront of Republican politics. But libertarianism is more than the philosophy of individual freedom and unfettered markets that Republicans have embraced. Indeed, as Jason Brennan points out, libertarianism is a quite different--and far richer--system of thought than most of us suspect. In this timely new entry in Oxford's acclaimed series What Everyone Needs to Know, Brennan offers a nuanced portrait of libertarianism, proceeding through a series of questions to illuminate the essential elements of libertarianism and the problems the philosophy addresses, including such topics as the Value of Liberty, Human Nature and Ethics, Economic Liberty, Civil Rights, Social Justice and the Poor, Government and Democracy, and Contemporary Politics. Brennan asks the most fundamental and challenging questions: What do Libertarians think liberty is? Do libertarians think everyone should be selfish? Are libertarians just out to protect the interests of big business? What do libertarians think we should do about racial injustice? What would libertarians do about pollution? Are Tea Party activists true libertarians? As he sheds light on libertarian beliefs, Brennan overturns numerous misconceptions. Libertarianism is not about simple-minded paranoia about government, he writes. Rather, it celebrates the ideal of peaceful cooperation among free and equal people. Libertarians believe that the rich always capture political power; they want to minimize the power available to them in order to protect the weak. Brennan argues that libertarians are, in fact, animated by benevolence and a deep concern for the poor. Clear, concise, and incisively written, this volume explains a vitally important philosophy in American history--and a potent force in contemporary politics.

Author(s):  
John Dombrink

This chapter focuses on the engines and contours of the “Obama backlash” and the expressions of the tea party movement, with its cries that “America is being taken from us” and attempts to reimpose “normal people values.” It documents a new culture war resistance (“birthers,” “deathers” “Tenthers” “truthers” and tea party activists) and identify polarization and hyper-partisanship as the themes of discourse, and even governing. It concludes that this backlash is not rooted in the morality issues of the prior culture war. These two chapters present, review, and analyze data regarding attitudes and issue framing during the years 2008–2014, which are the focus of the book.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. p139
Author(s):  
Kwesi Atta Sakyi ◽  
Francis Mukosa ◽  
Burton Mweemba ◽  
Moses Katebe

This research looks at the hypothetical state of no governments and no external trade, the autarky situation as well as the ideal utopian democratic state juxtaposed as Utopia versus Dystopia. This essay is motivated by the current world situation of global internet connectivity which transcends borders and defies government regulation. The essay focuses on examining what opportunities would be presented in a situation of no government and also what challenges and threats would exist in such an instance bordering on Dystopia. The paper comprises findings that have been drawn from analyzing the different opinions, facts and findings from researchers on the topic of public policy. It fundamentally addresses the question from an assumption that there were no governments and concludes by drawing on the importance of public policy and why this is essential in order to avoid anarchy that arises as a result of not having laws and regulations to control the behaviors of societies and individuals in those Hobbesian societies. The findings in the paper are that a state of no government presents itself as a state of confusion and that it descends into the extreme form of a totally unregulated free market capitalist approach for communities and societies. This, in the end, results in lawlessness that to an extent permits the emergence of anarchist states where the rich take advantage of their power and become more powerful than societies or states as exemplified by the MNCs. The purpose of government is to provide essential services and ensure that the rights of individuals are protected. Without the regulatory and protective umbrella of government, the concept of protection and extending the benefits of external trade become the preserve of rich individuals who may brutally exploit and assault the poor to the point of enslavement and exploitation.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 151-184
Author(s):  
Hamzah Hamzah

One of the major problems that the developing countries face is the lack of state revenues to cover all required expenses. Zakat is completely different from taxes, because it is a direct solution for poor people because it goes with the same type of property from the rich to the poor (not like the most of the poverty reduction programms which go in shape of projects for the poor), also Zakat has its own fixed resources and fixed legal channels of spending. Zakat is considered a form of charity that must be paid from a person`s wealth (when his/her wealth exceeds or reaches a “specific amount” of money (or othertypes of wealth like gold) So when the wealth reaches this level or (the specific amount ) the person who owns this wealth should pay a specific amount for the poor and this amount goes to the poor named Zakat. At the time of prophet Mohamed, he was sending the officials to collect money of Zakat, as it was mentioned for example , when he sent Muaaz Ibnu Jabal to govern Yemen, he ordered him to collect money of Zakat. Also in the time of the second gonernant in Islam (Khalifah). At the time of the third Khalifah Umar, where the state was expanded, Umar still interes ed in collecting Zakat but with a new way in terms of two perspectives, first collecting it from both outward and inward money, second by establishing “a Zakat organization” to be the ideal solution in dealing with Zakat. At the time of umar the revenues of Zakat became a huge amount, until Umar decided to give a salary for The periods after that the governants were not interested so much to collect Zakat by themselves and from the outward and inward money, because total toll became very huge so they decided to leave this mater up to the eligible Muslims to pay their Zakat, but in the later on periods of time the Muslims became less aware by the religious practises so the total toll of Zakat became less than periods of the prophet and Khalifah and not sufficient to satisfy the basic needs of the poor in the Muslim countries. To conclude from that, the best total yield of Zakat was happened when it was collected and distributed through an organization with a great attention from the leader of the state, so this paper will be describe about zakat persepective Hadis Maudu’ in the first time of Islam. 


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 116-128
Author(s):  
William H. Westermeyer

Abstract Although public responses to national and international crises are never without contestations and conflicting truth claims, the COVID-19 pandemic draws attention to the stark political and cultural divisions presented by conservative populism in the age of the Tea Party Movement and Donald Trump. Beginning with research among Tea Party activists in 2010 and continuing through the Trump Administration and “reopen” protests, I have documented a shifting cultural world of right-wing populism. The vivid and symbolically elaborate performance of patriotism and indignation by the Tea Party Movement declined in 2012, being replaced by a more belligerent and less colorful form of populism with Donald Trump. As Trump-inspired protests opposing COVID-19 mitigation policies emerged in 2020, however, Tea Party themes and symbols reemerged as frames for resistance to government restrictions. Yet, despite the shifting styles, there was a constant theme of what I term “fundamentalist populism.” This style illustrates political identities characterized by vilification of opponents, distrust of existing political and social institutions, ideological rigidity, and a rededication to individualism and personal freedom. Ethnographic and documentary research shows how these themes animate a small yet vocal resistance to the science-based and cooperative guidelines prescribed by public health experts


2013 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 169
Author(s):  
M. Zainuddin

Religion as a fact and history has symbolic and sociological dimensions as a structure of abstract realm regardless of space and time. Pilgrimage substantially contains humanity values, such as the doctrines of equality, the necessity to preserve life, property, and honor of others, a ban of oppressing or exploiting the weak people, either economically or others. For example, releasing daily wear and changing it with ihram wear has meaning to erase the social gaps between the rich and the poor. That is the ideal teaching of pilgrimage making one aware that he is a social human. This paper is sociologically intended to see the phenomenon of pilgrimage in the Muslim society of Indonesia, especially in Java. The study showed that the pilgrimage of the majority of Indonesian Muslim is loaded with social attributes. Although the pilgrim is a part of the religion pillars, it has been utilized   by the local ruling elite as a political resource or a mean to establish power legitimacy.


Author(s):  
Andrew T. McDonald ◽  
Verlaine Stoner McDonald

The introduction portrays the scene at the Paul Rusch Festival Yatsugatake County Fair. Initially, it appears to be like any other American harvest festival, but the event takes place in the highlands 120 miles northwest of Tokyo. It explains why the Japanese would honor the Kentuckian Rusch, someone they called the “red-headed foreigner,” outlining the arc of Rusch’s life, from an altar boy in Louisville, Kentucky, to a military intelligence officer who walked the halls of the Imperial Palace and interacted with royalty, prime ministers, captains of industry, and the rich and powerful in both America and Japan. Rusch took stands on racial injustice and worked to uplift the poor people of rural Japan, but at some points he compromised his religious principles as he became involved in the dark intrigue of America’s Cold War policy. Rusch was also something of a con man, a kind of Robin Hood who bent and broke the rules to forward the cause of helping people or promoting his own pet projects. Rusch was instrumental in the rebuilding of the postwar Episcopal Church in Japan.


2004 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
James E. Goggin

Interest in the fate of the German psychoanalysts who had to flee Hitler's Germany and find refuge in a new nation, such as the United States, has increased. The ‘émigré research’ shows that several themes recur: (1) the theme of ‘loss’ of one's culture, homeland, language, and family; and (2) the ambiva-lent welcome these émigrés received in their new country. We describe the political-social-cultural context that existed in the United States during the 1930s, 1940s and 1950s. Documentary evidence found in the FBI files of three émigré psychoanalysts, Clara Happel, Martin Grotjahn, and Otto Fenichel, are then presented in combination with other source material. This provides a provisional impression of how each of these three individuals experienced their emigration. As such, it gives us elements of a history. The FBI documents suggest that the American atmosphere of political insecurity and fear-based ethnocentric nationalism may have reinforced their old fears of National Socialism, and contributed to their inclination to inhibit or seal off parts of them-selves and their personal histories in order to adapt to their new home and become Americanized. They abandoned the rich social, cultural, political tradition that was part of European psychoanalysis. Finally, we look at these elements of a history in order to ask a larger question about the appropriate balance between a liberal democratic government's right to protect itself from internal and external threats on the one hand, or crossover into the blatant invasion of civil rights and due process on the other.


2004 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. i-iii

In this election year, 2004, people are grappling with the various forces that make up these United States. What forces encourage inclusion and which exclusion? Who is to be included and who excluded? Is this to be a country with wide discrepancies between the rich and the poor? Is this to be a country where public education is poorly funded and a good education depends upon private resources? Are we going to forget that discrimination on the basis of gender, race, ethnic origin, and economic status still exists and needs to be perpetually, vigilantly addressed? There is a deep division in the country over the proper and fair use of our resources that constitutes concern in all our citizens


Author(s):  
David Wendell Moller
Keyword(s):  
The Poor ◽  

Why are kings without pity for their subjects? Because they count on never being common human beings. Why are the rich so hard toward the poor? It is because they have no fear of being poor. . . .—Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Émile; or, On Education1In Shakespeare’s ...


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