scholarly journals Integrative studies of cultural evolution: crossing disciplinary boundaries to produce new insights

2018 ◽  
Vol 373 (1743) ◽  
pp. 20170048 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oren Kolodny ◽  
Marcus W. Feldman ◽  
Nicole Creanza

Culture evolves according to dynamics on multiple temporal scales, from individuals' minute-by-minute behaviour to millennia of cultural accumulation that give rise to population-level differences. These dynamics act on a range of entities—including behavioural sequences, ideas and artefacts as well as individuals, populations and whole species—and involve mechanisms at multiple levels, from neurons in brains to inter-population interactions. Studying such complex phenomena requires an integration of perspectives from a diverse array of fields, as well as bridging gaps between traditionally disparate areas of study. In this article, which also serves as an introduction to the current special issue, we highlight some specific respects in which the study of cultural evolution has benefited and should continue to benefit from an integrative approach. We showcase a number of pioneering studies of cultural evolution that bring together numerous disciplines. These studies illustrate the value of perspectives from different fields for understanding cultural evolution, such as cognitive science and neuroanatomy, behavioural ecology, population dynamics, and evolutionary genetics. They also underscore the importance of understanding cultural processes when interpreting research about human genetics, neuroscience, behaviour and evolution. This article is part of the theme issue ‘Bridging cultural gaps: interdisciplinary studies in human cultural evolution’.

2018 ◽  
Vol 373 (1743) ◽  
pp. 20170059 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michelle Ann Kline ◽  
Rubeena Shamsudheen ◽  
Tanya Broesch

Culture is a human universal, yet it is a source of variation in human psychology, behaviour and development. Developmental researchers are now expanding the geographical scope of research to include populations beyond relatively wealthy Western communities. However, culture and context still play a secondary role in the theoretical grounding of developmental psychology research, far too often. In this paper, we highlight four false assumptions that are common in psychology, and that detract from the quality of both standard and cross-cultural research in development. These assumptions are: (i) the universality assumption , that empirical uniformity is evidence for universality, while any variation is evidence for culturally derived variation; (ii) the Western centrality assumption , that Western populations represent a normal and/or healthy standard against which development in all societies can be compared; (iii) the deficit assumption , that population-level differences in developmental timing or outcomes are necessarily due to something lacking among non-Western populations; and (iv) the equivalency assumption , that using identical research methods will necessarily produce equivalent and externally valid data, across disparate cultural contexts. For each assumption, we draw on cultural evolutionary theory to critique and replace the assumption with a theoretically grounded approach to culture in development. We support these suggestions with positive examples drawn from research in development. Finally, we conclude with a call for researchers to take reasonable steps towards more fully incorporating culture and context into studies of development, by expanding their participant pools in strategic ways. This will lead to a more inclusive and therefore more accurate description of human development. This article is part of the theme issue ‘Bridging cultural gaps: interdisciplinary studies in human cultural evolution’.


2018 ◽  
Vol 373 (1743) ◽  
pp. 20170056 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne Kandler ◽  
Adam Powell

One of the major challenges in cultural evolution is to understand why and how various forms of social learning are used in human populations, both now and in the past. To date, much of the theoretical work on social learning has been done in isolation of data, and consequently many insights focus on revealing the learning processes or the distributions of cultural variants that are expected to have evolved in human populations. In population genetics, recent methodological advances have allowed a greater understanding of the explicit demographic and/or selection mechanisms that underlie observed allele frequency distributions across the globe, and their change through time. In particular, generative frameworks—often using coalescent-based simulation coupled with approximate Bayesian computation (ABC)—have provided robust inferences on the human past, with no reliance on a priori assumptions of equilibrium. Here, we demonstrate the applicability and utility of generative inference approaches to the field of cultural evolution. The framework advocated here uses observed population-level frequency data directly to establish the likely presence or absence of particular hypothesized learning strategies. In this context, we discuss the problem of equifinality and argue that, in the light of sparse cultural data and the multiplicity of possible social learning processes, the exclusion of those processes inconsistent with the observed data might be the most instructive outcome. Finally, we summarize the findings of generative inference approaches applied to a number of case studies. This article is part of the theme issue ‘Bridging cultural gaps: interdisciplinary studies in human cultural evolution’.


2018 ◽  
Vol 373 (1743) ◽  
pp. 20170053 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michal Arbilly

Borrowing from the concept of keystone species in ecological food webs, a recent focus in the field of animal behaviour has been keystone individuals: individuals whose impact on population dynamics is disproportionally larger than their frequency in the population. In populations evolving culture, such may be the role of high-magnitude innovators: individuals whose innovations are a major departure from the population's existing behavioural repertoire. Their effect on cultural evolution is twofold: they produce innovations that constitute a ‘cultural leap' and, once copied, their innovations may induce further innovations by conspecifics (socially induced innovations) as they explore the new behaviour themselves. I use computer simulations to study the coevolution of independent innovations, socially induced innovations and innovation magnitude, and show that while socially induced innovation is assumed here to be less costly than independent innovation, it does not readily evolve. When it evolves, it may in some conditions select against independent innovation and lower its frequency, despite it requiring independent innovation in order to operate; at the same time, however, it leads to much faster cultural evolution. These results confirm the role of high-magnitude innovators as keystones, and suggest a novel explanation for the low frequency of independent innovation. This article is part of the theme issue ‘Bridging cultural gaps: interdisciplinary studies in human cultural evolution'.


2018 ◽  
Vol 373 (1743) ◽  
pp. 20170050 ◽  
Author(s):  
Noa Truskanov ◽  
Yosef Prat

Cultural transmission facilitates the spread of behaviours within social groups and may lead to the establishment of stable traditions in both human and non-human animals. The fidelity of transmission is frequently emphasized as a core component of cultural evolution and as a prerequisite for cumulative culture. Fidelity is often considered a synonym of precise copying of observed behaviours. However, while precise copying guarantees reliable transmission in an ideal static world, it may be vulnerable to realistic variability in the actual environment. Here, we argue that fidelity may be more naturally achieved when the social learning mechanisms incorporate trial-and-error; and that the robustness of social transmission is thereby increased. We employed a simple model to demonstrate how culture that is produced through exact copying is fragile in an (even slightly) noisy world. When incorporating a certain degree of trial-and-error, however, cultures are more readily formed in a stochastic environment and are less vulnerable to rare ecological changes. We suggest that considering trial-and-error learning as a stabilizing component of social transmission may provide insights into cultural evolution in a realistic, variable, world. This article is part of the theme issue ‘Bridging cultural gaps: interdisciplinary studies in human cultural evolution’.


Author(s):  
Eberhard Passarge

AbstractGenetics evolved as a field of science after 1900 with new theories being derived from experiments obtained in fruit flies, bacteria, and viruses. This personal account suggests that the origins of human genetics can best be traced to the years 1949 to 1959. Several genetic scientific advances in genetics in 1949 yielded results directly relating to humans for the first time, except for a few earlier observations. In 1949 the first textbook of human genetics was published, the American Journal of Human Genetics was founded, and in the previous year the American Society of Human Genetics. In 1940 in Britain a textbook entitled Introduction to Medical Genetics served as a foundation for introducing genetic aspects into medicine. The introduction of new methods for analyzing chromosomes and new biochemical assays using cultured cells in 1959 and subsequent years revealed that many human diseases, including cancer, have genetic causes. It became possible to arrive at a precise cause-related genetic diagnosis. As a result the risk of occurrence or re-occurrence of a disease within a family could be assessed correctly. Genetic counseling as a new concept became a basis for improved patient care. Taken together the advances in medically orientated genetic research and patient care since 1949 have resulted in human genetics being both, a basic medical and a basic biological science. Prior to 1949 genetics was not generally viewed in a medical context. Although monogenic human diseases were recognized in 1902, their occurrence and distribution were considered mainly at the population level.


2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alex Mesoudi

AbstractHow do migration and acculturation (i.e. psychological or behavioral change resulting from migration) affect within- and between-group cultural variation? Here I answer this question by drawing analogies between genetic and cultural evolution. Population genetic models show that migration rapidly breaks down between-group genetic structure. In cultural evolution, however, migrants or their descendants can acculturate to local behaviors via social learning processes such as conformity, potentially preventing migration from eliminating between-group cultural variation. An analysis of the empirical literature on migration suggests that acculturation is common, with second and subsequent migrant generations shifting, sometimes substantially, towards the cultural values of the adopted society. Yet there is little understanding of the individual-level dynamics that underlie these population-level shifts. To explore this formally, I present models quantifying the effect of migration and acculturation on between-group cultural variation, for both neutral and costly cooperative traits. In the models, between-group cultural variation, measured using F statistics, is eliminated by migration and maintained by conformist acculturation. The extent of acculturation is determined by the strength of conformist bias and the number of demonstrators from whom individuals learn. Acculturation is countered by assortation, the tendency for individuals to preferentially interact with culturally-similar others. Unlike neutral traits, cooperative traits can additionally be maintained by payoff-biased social learning, but only in the presence of strong sanctioning institutions. Overall, the models show that surprisingly little conformist acculturation is required to maintain realistic amounts of between-group cultural diversity. While these models provide insight into the potential dynamics of acculturation and migration in cultural evolution, they also highlight the need for more empirical research into the individual-level learning biases that underlie migrant acculturation.


Rangifer ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 33
Author(s):  
Robert Serrouya ◽  
Bruce N. McLellan ◽  
Clayton D. Apps ◽  
Heiko U. Wittmer

Mountain caribou are an endangered ecotype of woodland caribou (Rangifer tarandus caribou) that live in highprecipitation, mountainous ecosystems of southeastern British Columbia and northern Idaho. The distribution and abundance of these caribou have declined dramatically from historical figures. Results from many studies have indicated that mountain caribou rely on old conifer forests for several life-history requirements including an abundance of their primary winter food, arboreal lichen, and a scarcity of other ungulates and their predators. These old forests often have high timber value, and understanding mountain caribou ecology at a variety of spatial scales is thus required to develop effective conservation strategies. Here we summarize results of studies conducted at three different spatial scales ranging from broad limiting factors at the population level to studies describing the selection of feeding sites within seasonal home ranges of individuals. The goal of this multi-scale review is to provide a more complete picture of caribou ecology and to determine possible shifts in limiting factors across scales. Our review produced two important results. First, mountain caribou select old forests and old trees at all spatial scales, signifying their importance for foraging opportunities as well as conditions required to avoid alternate ungulates and their predators. Second, relationships differ across scales. For example, landscapes dominated by roads and edges negatively affect caribou survival, but appear to attract caribou during certain times of the year. This juxtaposition of fine-scale behaviour with broad-scale vulnerability to predation could only be identified through integrated multi-scale analyses of resource selection. Consequently we suggest that effective management strategies for endangered species require an integrative approach across multiple spatial scales to avoid a focus that may be too narrow to maintain viable populations. Abstract in Norwegian / Sammendrag:Skala-avhengig økologi og truet fjellvillrein i Britisk ColumbiaFjellvillreinen i de nedbørsrike fjellområdene i sørøstre Britisk Columbia og nordlige Idaho som er en truet økotype av skogsreinen (Rangifer tarandus caribou), har blitt kraftig redusert både i utbredelse og antall. Mange studier har vist at denne økotypen er avhengig av vinterføden hengelav i gammel barskog hvor det også er få andre klovdyr og dermed få predatorer. Slik skog er også viktige hogstområder, og å forstå økologien til fjellvillreinen i forskjellige skaleringer er derfor nødvendig for å utvikle forvaltningsstrategier som kan berge og ta vare på denne reinen. Artikkelen gir en oversikt over slike arbeider: fra studier av begrensende faktorer på populasjonsnivå til studier av sesongmessige beiteplasser på individnivå. Hensikten er å få frem et mer helhetlig perspektiv på fjellvillreinen og finne hvordan de begrensende faktorene varierer etter skaleringen som er benyttet i studiet. Oversikten vår frembragte to viktige resultater; 1) Uansett skalering så velger dyrene gammel skog og gamle trær. 2) Dyrenes bruk av et område kan variere med benyttet skalering, for eksempel vil landskap utbygd med veier og hogstflater være ufordelaktig for overlevelsen, men synes likevel å kunne tiltrekke fjellvillreinen til visse tider av året. Forholdet mellom atferd ut fra fin-skalering og stor-skalering sårbarhet hva gjelder predasjon, ville kun blitt avdekket ved flere-skaleringsanalyse av hvordan ressursene benyttes. Ut fra dette foreslår vi at forvaltningsstrategier for truete bestander som eksempelvis fjellvillreinen, må baseres på tilnærminger ut fra ulike skaleringer for å hindre at et for snevert perspektiv kan begrense muligheten for vedvarende levedyktighet.


Author(s):  
Ethan E. Cochrane ◽  
Terry L. Hunt

The archaeological record of Oceania stretches over one-third of the earth’s surface with the first humans entering Oceania 50,000 years ago and with the last major archipelago settled approximately a.d. 1300. Oceania is often divided into the cultural-geographic regions of Polynesia, Melanesia, and Micronesia, but these divisions mask much variation, and they do not always accurately characterize the historical relationships among Oceania’s populations. Since the 1950s, archaeological researchers have investigated Oceania’s human and environmental past and have focused on colonization chronologies and the origins of different populations, the intensity and spatial scale of interaction between groups, and changes in social complexity through time and space with a particular concern for the development of chiefdoms. Oceanic archaeologists often use historical linguistics, human genetics, and cultural evolution models to structure their research on ancient Pacific island populations.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Manfred R. Strecker

<p>In this lecture I will first review some of Alexander von Humboldt’s studies on the importance of vertical and latitudinal temperature gradients and surface processes in the context of mountain building and thereby highlight his seminal contributions to Earth System Science. In a second step I will briefly comment on his influence beyond science, including public outreach and the general public’s Earth science literacy – in the face of fake news and distrust in scientific method and discourse, an issue more timely than ever.</p><p>The past decades have witnessed a radical shift in human perception of Earth and nature; climate change and increased competition for natural resources combined with human vulnerability to natural hazards have moved environmentalism from the fringes of public awareness to governmental policies. This shift in awareness was presaged by paradigmatic shifts in Earth Science leading to the modern view of Earth as a dynamic system of interactive physical, chemical and biological processes, and ultimately to establishment of the integrative field of Earth System Science. To a certain extent, this point of view and the realization that research across disciplinary boundaries is important and necessary to understand geoprocesses at a variety of time and length scales and in the context of linkages between the different spheres was already the fundament of Humboldt’s thinking and research philosophy during the first half of the 19<sup>th</sup> century: "The principal impulse by which I was directed was the earnest endeavor to comprehend the phenomena of physical objects in their general connection, and to represent nature as one great whole." Alexander von Humboldt, Kosmos, I, ch. VII, 1845. Although Humboldt wrote this sentence 176 years ago, it reveals his early recognition of the importance of interdisciplinary and transdisciplinary approaches in science. In this regard Humboldt clearly was ahead of his time and most research areas of modern Earth System Science had already been touched upon by him. From mineralogy, geology, volcanology, stratigraphy and paleontology to climatology, biogeography and geobotany, and oceanography he had addressed many aspects research in an integrative, non-isolationist approach. Although Humboldt published his work very early on in disciplinary journals, he followed a holistic approach in science, where inherent processes, their connections across spheres, and feedbacks between them were addressed. Consequently, he also analyzed the influence of humans on the environment, particularly with regards to changes in microclimate, erosion, and biodiversity. By recognizing these relationships he truly followed an early Earth System Science approach, thus linking the geosphere and the anthroposphere. Interestingly, during his career Humboldt devoted himself increasingly to the transfer of knowledge to the general public, which not only resulted in regular public lectures, but also had a far-reaching influence in the art world. Taken together, Humboldt therefore paved the way for an integrative approach to the exploration of the Earth’s systems beyond disciplinary boundaries, and with a strong commitment to share knowledge and educate the public.</p>


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