New Malaysia opposition party may hit UMNO support

Significance To further this aim, Mahathir is establishing a new political party. This will add to the plethora of Malaysian opposition voices, which were joined recently by a second opposition coalition, and could become a platform for former ministers to push against the government. Impacts UMNO will use the period of opposition negotiation to emphasise the opposition's disunity. The new Saksama coalition may strengthen East Malaysian political identity and autonomy calls. Greater East Malaysian autonomy could affect extractive and natural resource sector royalties.

Significance Corbyn's video appeal, directed at Jewish members of the Labour Party, followed a similar approach to Jewish groups the previous day. However, his attempts to address the anti-Semitism dispute that has engulfed his party are failing to convince either the target audience or his internal critics, with deputy leader Tom Watson warning the same day that the opposition party was failing to present itself as fit to lead the nation. Since parliament went into summer recess on July 24, political news has been dominated not by the Conservative Party’s evident difficulties with Brexit but by the Labour Party’s self-inflicted wounds over anti-Semitism. Impacts The anti-Semitism row limits Labour’s ability to provide effective opposition to the government, including on Brexit. The dispute is likely to alienate Jewish voters. Unaddressed, the issue makes it more likely that Labour MPs will break away from the party in 2019-20 once the Brexit terms are settled.


Significance This is an early move back towards elected politics following the mid-2014 military coup, and comes as recent corruption allegations, the possibility of a fifth cabinet reshuffle and concerns about the outlook for Thailand’s labour market are raising new questions about the NCPO government’s competence. This also comes as Thailand looks to a general election by November 2018 for which the NCPO may form a political party. Impacts Inadequacies in collecting biometric data for fisheries workers could draw renewed EU scrutiny and criticism. A cabinet reshuffle will not slow Thailand’s recent gains in economic growth. Media self-censorship means corruption allegations will likely not have a great negative impact on the government. Investor confidence is unlikely to be affected by corruption allegations in the short term.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Emmanuel Tetteh Asare ◽  
Bruce Burton ◽  
Theresa Dunne

Purpose This study aims to explore individual perceptions about how the government, as the main architect of policies and regulations, discharges strategic accountability in Ghana’s oil and gas sector and, in so doing, promotes resource sustainability. Design/methodology/approach The study reports on a series of interviews with key actors using institutional theory as a lens for discussion and interpretation of results. This approach forms the basis for a number of specific contributions to knowledge regarding strategic accountability around natural resource discoveries. Findings Whilst many deeply-set problems appear to persist, the paper reports some favourable movement in public perceptions regarding institutional accountability that has not been identified previously. The empirical findings demonstrate how the three elements of institutional theory work together in an emerging country’s natural resource industry to drive a potentially holistic strategic institutional legitimacy, contrary to the existing pervasive picture of detrimental regulative, normative and cognitive institutionalism found within the region. Practical implications The findings suggest that, contrary to existing regional evidence regarding institutional financial accountability practices around natural resources, Ghana has made favourable strides in terms of strategic accountability discharge. This discovery implies that with persistence and commitment, a meaningful degree of intelligent strategic accountability can be achieved and, with appropriate empirical methodology, identified and rationalised. Social implications The persistent coercive pressure from the Ghanaian society that caused the government to listen to overtime and take positive steps in the institutionalisation of their strategic accountability process which translated into a holistic institutional legitimacy that has eluded the sub-region for decades, is a glimmer of hope for other societies within the sub-Saharan region that all is not lost. Originality/value The paper suggests an empirically driven approach to understanding the institutionalisation of strategic accountability practices and their impact on sustainability around natural resources in sub-Saharan Africa. The focus on the strategic aspect of accountability – rather than the financial as in most prior work – and the consideration of opinions at more than a single point in time permits the identification of novel evidence regarding accountability in emerging economies.


Significance The administration also deployed more police to tourist resorts and promised to close Salafi mosques and to curb some religious associations. At least one religious political party may be closed, but there are concerns about a return to authoritarian policies. Impacts There will be damage to the wider economy, well beyond the already troubled tourism sector. The government will try to limit radicalisation with authoritarian-style policies, but this is unlikely to work in the short term. Popular mistrust of the government, already significant, will grow.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Mapulanga ◽  
Dorothy Doreen Eneya ◽  
Diston Store Chiweza

Purpose The purpose of this paper was to assess the similarities and differences between the Political Parties and the Access to Information Acts in Malawi. While political parties are largely funded by donations that are frequently kept as a secret, the Access to Information Act does not include political party funding among the categories of non-disclosed information. Design/methodology/approach This paper is based on the qualitative content analysis of the legislation in Malawi. Content analysis of the two pieces of legislation was adopted. This paper is a review of the literature and an examination of Malawi's Political Parties and Access to Information Acts. The document study was supplemented by a review of related literature on the two legislations. Findings The Political Parties Act prohibits the government, ministries and departments from directly or indirectly funding political parties. The Access to Information Act to ensure information generated by Malawi government ministries, departments and agencies is readily made available by the citizens when needed or requested. The Access to Information Act does not exempt political parties from disclosing their funding sources. The two acts work in tandem to promote accountability and transparency in political party funding and sources. Research limitations/implications This study is limited to Malawi's Political Parties and Access to Information Acts. Only the South African related acts have informed the paper. However, several acts within developing countries would have greatly aided the paper. Practical implications The implementation of the two pieces of legislation has implications for the balance between disclosure and non-disclosure of political party funding. Oversight functions and credible human resource capacity are needed in both political parties and government enforcement institutions. Social implications Oversight functions by the Administrator-General through the Registrar of Political Parties and the Malawi Human Rights Commission are key to the implementation of Malawi's Political Parties and Access to Information Acts, respectively. Proper enforcement of the oversight functions is expected to result in an open, transparent and accountable Malawian society. Originality/value Various players are needed in the accountability chain to protect disclosure and non-disclosure of information. Very little information is known on the powers, functions and duties of office bearers capable of enforcing legislation to keep political parties' funding clean. Little is known on how the citizens can access information regarding political parties funding.


Subject A profile of Keir Starmer. Significance On April 4 Keir Starmer was elected Labour Party leader with 56.2% of the vote, replacing hard-leftist Jeremy Corbyn. Starmer’s background as a former director of public prosecutions who hails from Labour's more moderate wing gives him the gravitas and experience necessary to turn Labour into a more serious opposition party. Impacts The scale of Starmer’s victory has given him a mandate to reform the party. The broad ideological spectrum of Starmer’s shadow cabinet reflects his intentions to unite the party. Starmer will primarily focus on regaining seats in England and Wales; those lost in Scotland over the last decade are a lower-order concern.


Significance The protests followed smaller pro-government demonstrations on March 13. Rousseff faces growing social discontent, not only over corruption claims linked to the Petrobras scandal, but also rising unemployment, inflation and taxes. Although no leading opposition party or organisation is coordinating the protests, the government is concerned about the negative impact on Rousseff's approval ratings. Impacts Inflation this year is forecast to surpass the 6.5% maximum target by at least 1 percentage point. Unemployment rose from 4.3% in December to 5.3% in January; companies involved in the Petrobras scandal may see heavy job losses. The government is tightening fiscal policy and establishing new rules to fight tax evasion, but faces congressional opposition.


Significance The wave of strikes and demonstrations is raising fresh concerns about the slow pace of social and economic reform. Although Tunisia's political transition is often regarded as the sole success story of the Arab uprisings, important judicial and police reforms remain unaddressed and there is growing frustration among the large communities of unemployed young workers, especially in the impoverished interior regions. Phosphate production at the major state-owned producer Compagnie des Phosphates de Gafsa has been interrupted for several weeks. The major trade union, the Union Generale Tunisienne du Travail (UGTT), is increasingly critical of government policies, but also faces its own internal divisions from its more confrontational local branches. Impacts Social and economic protests will present the most serious challenge to the government in the months ahead. Phosphate production has been severely affected by protests in 2015 and is unlikely to recover quickly. Popular mistrust of the political elite is growing and no political party has managed to harness this frustration.


Significance Prime Minister Justin Trudeau had prorogued parliament. The throne speech requires a vote of confidence in the government. If the government loses, a snap election can follow. Neither the Conservatives nor Bloc Quebecois will support the speech, so all eyes are now on the New Democratic Party (NDP). Impacts Lack of attention to western issues in the speech will fan alienation in Alberta and Saskatchewan. The speech’s green economy emphasis and lack of resource sector support means further projects will probably end or be cancelled. Liberal desire to avoid an election may see significant concessions to the NDP in healthcare, childcare and sick leave. The stated intention to go deeper into debt and lack of a clear fiscal plan may undermine Canada’s credit rating.


2017 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 520-533 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carlos Meléndez ◽  
Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser

Political identities are crucial for understanding electoral behavior: individuals who identify with a political party behave as loyal supporters who would hardly vote for competitors old or new. Although this is an obvious observation, it has received little attention in the study of populism—a set of ideas that not only portrays established political parties as corrupt and self-serving entities but also depicts “the people” as a homogenous and virtuous community that should run the government. In this contribution, we develop a novel theory that claims that populism can thrive only when an antiestablishment political identity exists. This identity denotes an emotional and rational repulsion toward all established political parties in a given country. We test our theory by analyzing original survey data from contemporary Chile. The empirical analysis reveals not only that a limited segment of the electorate holds an antiestablishment political identity coalesced by populism but also that there is a large segment of apartisans adverse to populism. These empirical findings have important consequences for the study of populism, particularly when it comes to analyzing its emergence and electoral potential.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document