Ethiopia’s government will try war before peace

Significance Nevertheless, Tigrayan forces still control large chunks of northern Amhara and both sides now appear to be regrouping for further fighting. Impacts Conflict near the Sudan border could involve Tigrayan fighters in Sudan, and could significantly escalate tensions with Sudan. The humanitarian crisis will continue to worsen, and economic hardships can be expected even outside of conflict areas. The state of emergency will continue to be used to muzzle media and public narratives that deviate from the official line.

Significance The declaration came a week after reports emerged that protestors were attacking foreign businesses in the country as well as government property. Under the state of emergency, security forces will have expanded powers to search homes without warrants, detain individuals and restrict rights of assembly. Impacts Most foreign investment comes from firms based in other developing economies that have a high (but not unlimited) risk tolerance. Ethiopian claims of Egyptian and Eritrean links to violent protesters are tenuous and are meant to shift causality to external issues. Donors have limited traction and will push only for an outcome that yields stability rather than improvements in human rights. Further restrictions on communication (especially internet usage) are likely.


Significance The regional elections are the last electoral test before the 2017 presidential and parliamentary polls. The apparent switchback in results reflects the fact that the FN is on the rise in the electorate overall, but is contained for now by political institutions and anti-FN voting. The two major terrorist attacks in 2015 have simultaneously increased popular fear and FN-friendly demands for security, and strengthened the legitimacy of France's republican order and thus the Hollande presidency. Impacts Mainstream elites may become freshly complacent over socio-economic conditions, although they may also see the FN vote as a 'last warning'. The FN may gain from staying out of office and attacking 'globalist' and 'cosmopolitan' elites, especially if they form an anti-FN front. Hollande and Valls could consider extending the state of emergency, although some on the left see this helping the FN. Owing to the state of emergency, Defence Minister Jean-Yves Le Drian can stay in post while serving as Brittany's new leader. Local nationalists' win in Corsica may trigger a renewed debate on independence or increased autonomy for the island.


2020 ◽  
Vol 40 (9/10) ◽  
pp. 1167-1182
Author(s):  
Anna Molnár ◽  
Lili Takács ◽  
Éva Jakusné Harnos

PurposePoliticians' response to the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic worldwide relied on war scenarios having a tradition in disease management. The study contrasts how the political measures introduced during the state of emergency were presented by the Prime Minister of Hungary in his social media posts and his speeches and announcements broadcast by public media.Design/methodology/approachA computer-assisted content analysis was conducted to extract data on war and military metaphors, followed by a qualitative analysis of the metaphor scenarios used for explaining the situation and justifying action. The role of the prime minister (PM) indicated by the social media posts and by his transcripted speeches was compared with the suggestion of the visual illustrations.FindingsThe study’s findings were that verbal communication shifted between war-related metaphoric to military-related realistic. The third conceptual domain identified was fear. Messages were mostly about national cohesion, however, visually, the PM was the protagonist of the events. The communication proved efficient according to opinion polls.Originality/valueThe research revealed how the securitization of the pandemic took place via the political discourse constructed both for Internet users and traditional media consumers. Metaphors of fear, war and military action created the justification of the declaration of a state of emergency. The PM as a capable and responsible leader was placed in focus of the events. Although verbal messages by the PM were centred on a sense of community and joint action, the personalization of political action was remarkable by indirect means, such as visual messages. The personalization of politics throughout the period researched served the purpose of securitization of the pandemic with the PM as a charismatic leader attracting attention and giving credit to the severity of the threat along with the introduction of extraordinary measures.


Author(s):  
Bojan Janković ◽  
Vladimir Miroljub Cvetković

PurposeThe aim of the study is to determine the perception of general public on the Serbian police behaviors in combating COVID-19 pandemic, as well as the perception of the citizens how successful the police units were in fulfilling their tasks.Design/methodology/approachDue to the state of emergency declared due to COVID-19 pandemic, in particular the restriction of movement and the need for social distance, the data collection for this study had to be conducted via the online survey platform (Google.doc). The study was conducted during March–April 2020, only four weeks after the state of emergency was declared. The participants were invited to complete the online questionnaire in their native language by using the snowball sampling strategy focused on recruiting the general public via social media tools.FindingsConsidering the fact that police officers are not sufficiently prepared and trained to respond in these specific circumstances, it is necessary to improve their engagement in the future by conducting appropriate training, procuring adequate resources, implementing adequate planning activities, etc. The results of the multivariate regressions of public perception preparedness subscale show that the most important predictor is gender and it explains 23.6% of the variance in preparedness subscale. The remaining variables did not have significant effects on preparedness. This model with all mentioned independent variables explains 6.1% of the variance of preparedness subscale.Originality/valueBearing in mind that there were no completed studies on public perception of police behaviors about the COVID-19 disaster in Serbia, the research has a considerable scientific and social importance.


Significance Meanwhile, the state of emergency declared in relation to COVID-19 formally lapsed on September 6. This could pave the way for postponed national elections to be held in 2021 but is unlikely to reduce tensions between the federal and Tigray governments. Impacts Contestations over the mandate to organise regional elections will persist and may require constitutional resolution. The Ethiopian New Year may reignite hopes of strengthening the ongoing national dialogue. The end of the state of emergency will spell an end to restrictions on public political gatherings.


Significance Tunisia faces a dual set of problems: a stagnant economy wracked by slow growth and high inflation, and persistent security challenges from jihadist militants and social unrest. Impacts Further protests are likely from those that view the state of emergency and the anti-terrorism law as draconian. The economic fallout of security risks will keep inflation high and growth low. The unity government is unlikely to survive until 2019, when the next elections are currently scheduled.


Significance Securing the premiership caps a sharp rise for Abiy within both the Oromo People’s Democratic Organisation (OPDO), of which he became leader in February, and the EPRDF. Abiy and OPDO have leveraged the protest movement of the last three years to push for a rebalancing of power within the EPRDF coalition. However, Abiy will now face significant popular expectations of political reform, which he may struggle to meet. Impacts Resolution of the leadership crisis will provide a mild boost to foreign investor confidence, but further unrest could quickly unwind it. Activists will view an end to the state of emergency, on which Abiy did not vote, as an indicator of the EPRDF’s commitment to reform. The conduct of local elections, scheduled for the coming weeks, will be the first test for the new EPRDF leadership.


Subject Security and humanitarian situation Significance The past three years (2017, 2018 and 2019) were, successively, Mali’s most violent years ever in terms of reported fatalities, even when compared to the rebellion of 2012. Internal displacement surged during the same period, exacerbating pre-existing fragilities and food insecurity in different parts of the country. Despite various political processes meant to bring peace -- the slow but ongoing implementation of the 2015 Algiers Accord, and even the potential for a dialogue between the state and jihadists -- the trendlines for insecurity and humanitarian crisis are very bad. Impacts Due to other crises around the world, such as the COVID-19 pandemic, the Sahel may receive even less attention than normally. Mali’s crisis is Burkina Faso’s and Niger’s as well, both in terms of violence and in terms of displacement. Food security will worsen as Mali enters the hottest part of the year (February to June) and then into the ‘lean season’ (June-August).


Significance Sandu accuses the Socialists of rushing a state of emergency through parliament to delay the polls, ostensibly because of COVID-19. However, she seems unlikely to contest the measure, because that would look irresponsible. Impacts The interim government will remain in place until end-May, assuming the state of emergency is lifted then. Decisions taken by the caretaker government, good and bad, will inflict collateral damage on Sandu. The Socialists will blame Sandu for healthcare deficiencies over which she has no executive authority.


2017 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-45
Author(s):  
Akihiko Shimizu

This essay explores the discourse of law that constitutes the controversial apprehension of Cicero's issuing of the ultimate decree of the Senate (senatus consultum ultimum) in Catiline. The play juxtaposes the struggle of Cicero, whose moral character and legitimacy are at stake in regards to the extra-legal uses of espionage, with the supposedly mischievous Catilinarians who appear to observe legal procedures more carefully throughout their plot. To mitigate this ambivalence, the play defends Cicero's actions by depicting the way in which Cicero establishes the rhetoric of public counsel to convince the citizens of his legitimacy in his unprecedented dealing with Catiline. To understand the contemporaneousness of Catiline, I will explore the way the play integrates the early modern discourses of counsel and the legal maxim of ‘better to suffer an inconvenience than mischief,’ suggesting Jonson's subtle sensibility towards King James's legal reformation which aimed to establish and deploy monarchical authority in the state of emergency (such as the Gunpowder Plot of 1605). The play's climactic trial scene highlights the display of the collected evidence, such as hand-written letters and the testimonies obtained through Cicero's spies, the Allbroges, as proof of Catiline's mischievous character. I argue that the tactical negotiating skills of the virtuous and vicious characters rely heavily on the effective use of rhetoric exemplified by both the political discourse of classical Rome and the legal discourse of Tudor and Jacobean England.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document