September 11, Anti-Terror Laws and Civil Liberties: Britain, France and Germany Compared

2003 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dirk Haubrich

AbstractThe attacks on the United States of America in September 2001 have spurred a rapid implementation of new Anti-Terrorism legislation around the world. In an effort to, ostensibly, safeguard against the repetition of similar events on their own territories, many democracies have taken far-reaching legislative steps that might threaten the ideal of liberty on which their societies have traditionally been built. This article examines the laws introduced in Britain, France and Germany to establish the extent to which civil liberties in eight different categories have been curtailed. It concludes that, despite the otherwise similar characteristics of the countries studied, the legal provisions differ significantly in scope and depth, a fact that might be explained by: the different levels of threat perception; Britain's history of anti-terror legislation; and the respective power balances between judiciaries and legislatures.

1956 ◽  
Vol 2 (19) ◽  
pp. 675-683 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. E. Harrison

AbstractA history of the fluctuations of the Nisqually Glacier on the southern slope of Mt. Rainier, Washington, including the period of increased glacial activity during the last ten years, indicates that a number of minor advances have occurred since the maximum extension of the ice about 1750. These new data on glacial activity in the United States of America should be useful in examining the idea of synchronism in glacial behavior in different regions of the world. In addition, photographs of the changes in the Nisqually Glacier during the last four years indicate the magnitude of the recent increase in glacial activity in this country.


Author(s):  
Jane Smith

Throughout the nearly fifteen centuries of Muslim-Christian encounter, individual adherents of both traditions often have lived peaceably with each other. At the same time, Muslim expansion into Christian territories and Christian imperialism in Muslims lands have fostered fear and ill-will on both sides. Repercussions from the Crusades continue to resound in the contemporary rhetoric employed by defenders of both faiths. In recent years relations between Muslims and Christians across the globe have become increasingly polarized, fanned by anti-Islamic rhetoric and fearmongering. While a number of verses in the Qur’an call for treating Christians and Jews with respect as recipients of God’s divine message, in reality many Muslims have found it difficult not to see Christians as polytheists because of their doctrine of the Trinity. Christians, for their part, traditionally have viewed the Qur’an as fraudulent and Muhammad as an imposter. Old sectarian rivalries play out with serious consequences for minority groups, both Christian and Muslim. Conflicts in Asia, Africa, the Middle East, and elsewhere for much of the 20th century were often labeled as ethnic, political, or ideological perpetuations of long-standing struggles over land, power, and influence. These conflicts now tend to be labeled in accord with the specifically religious affiliation of their participants. Understanding the history of Muslim-Christian relations, as well as current political realities such as the dismantling of the political order created by European colonialism, helps give context to current “hot spots” of Muslim-Christian conflict in the world. It is difficult to imagine a time in history at which there is greater need for serious interfaith engagement than now. We need to understand better the history of Muslim-Christian relations so as to give context to current “hot spots” of Muslim-Christian conflict in the world. It is also important to understand the ways in which members of the two communities experience each other in specific areas of the world today, including the United States, taking note of efforts currently underway to advance interfaith understanding and cooperation. The events of September 11, 2001, and the resulting American invasions of Iraq and Afghanistan, have led to ugly commentary reminiscent of medieval hyperbole. Right-wing evangelical rhetoric in the United States against Islam has been fueled by incidents of international terrorism involving Muslims, while the well-funded Islamophobia industry in the United States has been producing and distributing large amounts of anti-Muslim material. Since the events of September 2011, American Muslims, caught in a painful position, have decried the acts of the 9/11 terrorists and defended Islam as a religion of peace. American Muslims want to exercise their constitutional rights to free speech in expressing their objection to certain American foreign policies, at the same time that they fear the consequences of the Patriot Act and other acts they view as assaults on their civil liberties. Meanwhile other Americans are struggling to understand that the Muslims with whom they interact in businesses, schools, and neighborhoods are different from the Muslim extremists who are calling for ever more dire measures against the United States. This is the general context in which Christian-Muslim dialogue is now taking place and to which it must address itself if it is to be effective.


Author(s):  
Jie Jack Li

Tagamet emerged as the first blockbuster drug when its sales exceeded $1 billion in 1986, three years after its introduction to the market. An anti–peptic ulcer drug, Tagamet was discovered by James W. Black and his colleagues at Smith Kline & French’s (SK&F) British subsidiary in Welwyn Garden City. Before Tagamet, SK&F was a little-known U.S. drug firm in Philadelphia. After Tagamet, SK&F became one of the largest pharmaceutical companies in the world. The history of Tagamet is one of the most extraordinary in the annals of medicine. It is a saga of a drug that almost escaped detection because the research efforts that began in 1964 did not seem to produce results within the first 11 years! Smith Kline started as a humble drug store in Philadelphia in 1830. During the American Civil War, Smith Kline was founded as a small apothecary by two physicians, John K. Smith and John Gilbert on North Second Street. Not only was Philadelphia the birthplace of the United States of America, it was also the cradle of American pharmacy. Wyeth, McNeil, Rorer, and Warner-Lambert all trace their origins to small drug stores established there during the Civil War. In the 1880s, Mahlon N. Kline led the company into research and manufacturing of its own products. In 1891, it absorbed French, Richards & Co. founded by Harry B. French, creating Smith Kline & French. After its establishment, the company slowly expanded its inventory. By the 1920s, it had some 15,000 products ranging from aspirin to liniment. Their Eskay’s Albumenized Food was highly popular as a digestible food for infants and the disabled. Later, the company did very well with Eskay’s Tablets for Seasickness. Its specialty, Eskay’s Neurophosphates, a nerve tonic, soothed millions of people at home and abroad. In 1929, Smith Kline & French Laboratories was created to devote itself solely to research and development (R&D). During the Great Depression year of 1936, the company stepped up its efforts in R&D (in a recent contrast, many pharmaceutical companies stepped down their R&D investments during the last recession of 2008).


2011 ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
John S.C. Afele

Issues about global security have become preeminent in the hallowed corridors of global diplomacy, especially following the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks on the mainland of the United States of America. The events of September 11, 2001, stand alone in their nature and causes, but they have also aroused a renewed sense of urgency in the implementation of policy decisions and deployment of technological responses to issues and regions of insecurities around the world. World leaders, writers, experts, and groups have pointed to the need for a comprehensive understanding of the anger that some societies harbour against other segments of the global community and leadership, and for the implementation of policies and programs to eliminate poverty, injustice, and discontent around the world. The expected outcome of the global coalition to defeat terror was echoed by the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, Tony Blair, in his Churchillian speech to his governing Labour Party:


Volume Nine of this series traces the development of the ‘world novel’, that is, English-language novels written throughout the world, beyond Britain, Ireland, and the United States. Focusing on the period up to 1950, the volume contains survey chapters and chapters on major writers, as well as chapters on book history, publishing, and the critical contexts of the work discussed. The text covers periods from renaissance literary imaginings of exotic parts of the world like Oceania, through fiction embodying the ideology and conventions of empire, to the emergence of settler nationalist and Indigenous movements and, finally, the assimilations of modernism at the beginnings of the post-imperial world order. The book, then, contains chapters on the development of the non-metropolitan novel throughout the British world from the eighteenth to the mid twentieth centuries. This is the period of empire and resistance to empire, of settler confidence giving way to doubt, and of the rise of indigenous and post-colonial nationalisms that would shape the world after World War II.


Author(s):  
Steven L. Taylor

The United States of America has one of the longest, continually functional electoral systems in the world. On one level, the system is seemingly simple, as it is based predominantly on plurality winners in the context of single-seat districts. However, its extensive usage of primary elections adds a nearly unique element to the process of filling elected office. This mechanism is used more extensively in the United States than in any other case. Additionally, the United States has a complex, and unique, system for electing its national executive. All of these factors help create and reinforce one of the most rigid two-party systems in the world.


2009 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 321-343
Author(s):  
Francis Dupuis-Déri

Résumé.L'étude des discours des «pères fondateurs» du Canada moderne révèle qu'ils étaient ouvertement antidémocrates. Comment expliquer qu'un régime fondé dans un esprit antidémocratique en soit venu à être identifié positivement à la démocratie? S'inspirant d'études similaires sur les États-Unis et la France, l'analyse de l'histoire du mot «démocratie» révèle que le Canada a été associé à la «démocratie» en raison de stratégies discursives des membres de l'élite politique qui cherchaient à accroître leur capacité de mobiliser les masses à l'occasion des guerres mondiales, et non pas à la suite de modifications constitutionnelles ou institutionnelles qui auraient justifié un changement d'appellation du régime.Abstract.An examination of the speeches of modern Canada's “founding fathers” lays bare their openly anti-democratic outlook. How did a regime founded on anti-democratic ideas come to be positively identified with democracy? Drawing on the examples of similar studies carried out in the United States and France, this analysis of the history of the term “democracy” in Canada shows that the country's association with “democracy” was not due to constitutional or institutional changes that might have justified re-labelling the regime. Instead, it was the result of the political elite's discursive strategies, whose purpose was to strengthen the elite's ability to mobilize the masses during the world wars.


2015 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 36-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Stocker

Nuclear weapon free zones (NWFZs) were an important development in the history of nuclear nonproliferation efforts. From 1957 through 1968, when the Treaty of Tlatelolco was signed, the United States struggled to develop a policy toward NWFZs in response to efforts around the world to create these zones, including in Europe, Africa, Latin America, and the Middle East. Many within the U.S. government initially rejected the idea of NWFZs, viewing them as a threat to U.S. nuclear strategy. However, over time, a preponderance of officials came to see the zones as advantageous, at least in certain areas of the world, particularly Latin America. Still, U.S. policy pertaining to this issue remained conservative and reactive, reflecting the generally higher priority given to security policy than to nuclear nonproliferation.


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