The Democratic Minimum: Is Democracy a Means to Global Justice?

2005 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-116 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Bohman

I argue that transnational democracy provides the basis for a solution to the problem of the “democratic circle”—that in order for democracy to promote justice, it must already be just—at the international level. Transnational democracy could be a means to global justice. First, I briefly recount my argument for the “democratic minimum.” This minimum is freedom from domination, understood in a very specific sense. Employing Hannah Arendt's conception of freedom as “the capacity to begin,” the form of nondomination sufficient for the democratic minimum is the capability to initiate deliberation and thus democratic decision-making processes. My point in developing this argument further concerns the political form of a transnational polity: its citizens enjoy the democratic minimum as members of various demoi. In the case of the European Union, this leads to a potential for democratic domination. I call this the demoi problem, a difficulty that holds for any multilevel polity, for bounded as well as transnational political communities. Second, I argue that such domination is overcome so long as the capacity to initiate deliberation is distributed among various units and various levels. The democratic minimum could fail to obtain not only because individuals or groups are dominated by nondemocratic means, but also because they are dominated democratically to the extent that the demos of one unit lacks the normative power to initiate deliberation and thus is subordinated to others.

2010 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-30 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Flett

This article reviews the way in which the concept of precaution, as commonly referenced in EU law, is received in the WTO. It argues that precaution is not a principle, but one facet of a principle of making rational judgments based on available information, the other facet of which is “that risk is worth taking”. Systematically pursuing high cost measures in response to low risks is not a balanced approach, and has probably contributed to the scepticism with which the concept is viewed in the WTO. However, this article goes on to argue that, without needing to be a principle, precaution is the determining legal feature in the SPS Agreement, because, unlike in the European Union, there is no legislative harmonisation of SPS measures at international level, WTO Members being free to set their own appropriate level of protection. In fact, the concept of precaution is relevant in the context of many other WTO provisions and is in some respects quite close to the concept of subsidiarity. Notwithstanding this, the first WTO SPS cases, driven by regulatory exporters and an interventionist WTO, have excessively emphasised scientific issues, masking policy judgments that the WTO has neither the legal nor the political authority to sustain. The article concludes that the proper way forward necessitates closer political, legal and administrative links between the WTO and other relevant international organisations, and a move away from consensus in the latter.


2010 ◽  
Vol 9 (5) ◽  
pp. 611-630
Author(s):  
Jonathan White

AbstractI examine responses to norm indeterminacy in the transnational context, focusing on regional integration in post-War Europe. I argue that the development of the European Union has been facilitated by the use of a legitimizing device whereby policy decisions at a European level are cast as beyond the scope of reasonable political disagreement and therefore distinct from the conditions which make democracy a desirable political form at the national level. This rejection of the political significance of norm indeterminacy has led to a widely diagnosed trend of “depoliticization” in European politics. The paper examines how best to understand this trend, and explores how an adapted account of “enlightened localism” might offer better ways of coping with indeterminate norms.


2010 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 214-226 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ayhan Kaya

Turkey has gone through an enormous process of change in the last decade, especially regarding the political recognition of ethno-cultural and religiously diverse groups. The term “diversity” has become one of the catch words of contemporary political philosophy. Diversity, in its recent forms, whether cultural, political, ethnic, or religious, is a byproduct of globalization. Globalization has made the movements of persons or groups in the ethnoscape easier. It is apparent that the management of diversity has posed a great challenge for nation states as well as for the international and supranational organizations such as the United Nations and the European Union (EU).


Author(s):  
Luciano Parejo Alfonso

Las llamadas cuestiones vasca y catalana (hoy, la segunda, en fase aguda) reclaman una actualización del orden constitucional en punto a la adecuación de la organización del Estado a la estructura plural de España, que ha de hacerse teniendo en cuenta las radicales transformaciones derivadas de la integración en la Unión Europea y la inserción en una comunidad internacional cada día más interdependiente y desde una doble reflexión. En el trabajo se apuntan —en sus líneas maestras— los aspectos más sobresalientes de la reforma o, en su caso, revisión constitucional que el autor considera más viable sobre la base del análisis tanto de la situación presente y mirando al futuro, como de la experiencia suministrada por la transición política, el consenso constitucional y el proceso de construcción del llamado Estado autonómico. Pero recordando que el éxito de tal empeño en el plano jurídico-constitucional depende de algo que está fuera de la potencia configuradora del Derecho —la regeneración de la vida política y social y de las instituciones y tiene una decisiva trascendencia para el funcionamiento de un Estado complejo como el español y, por tanto, la vitalidad y autenticidad del pluralismo territorial sin merma de la verdadera, por sustantiva (no formal), unidad constitucional.The basque and catalan conflict —the second nowadays at his peak— demand a revamp of Spain’s constitutional order to adapt the organization of the state to the diverse structure of the country. Such reform should be addressed taking into account the radical transformations resulting from its integration into the European Union project and from an increasingly interdependent comunity at the international level. This article points out the most important aspects of the reform or (where relevant) of the constitutional review that the author considers more feasible. This appraisal will be carried out based on the analysis of the current situation and looking to the future, as well as on the experience gained with the political transition, the constitutional consensus and the so called Authonomic State-making process. However, the sucess of this commitment within the constitutional and legal framework depends on something that is out of the shaping capacity of the law —the political and social life renewal, as well as of the institutions— and has a crucial importance for the functioning of a complex state such as the spanish and, therefore, for the vitality and authenticity of the territorial pluralism without affecting (in a substantive —not formal— way) the constitutional unity.


2015 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 754-765
Author(s):  
Emmanuelle Rial-Sebbag ◽  
Anna Pigeon

France, a country with nearly 66 million inhabitants, contributed greatly to the construction of the European Union (EU) as one of the founder states. In 1957, the treaties establishing the European Economic Community (EEC) and the European Atomic Energy Community (Euratom) were signed by Belgium, France, Germany, Italy, Luxembourg, and the Netherlands in Rome. Today, they are referred to as the “Treaties of Rome.” The French contribution to the EU has strongly influenced the political views on the development of Europe, notably pushing for a large contribution of member states to the decision making processes and to the orientation of the EU policies.


2008 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-219 ◽  
Author(s):  
Móónica Quijada

This work studies the configuration in Hispanic political thought of the principle that true political legitimacy is based on the consent of the community and on the contractual nature of the origin of political power. The goal is to recover viewpoints that have been obscured by a Hispanist historiography, that is, a historiography of those whose work on the Hispanic world, which has focused on some authors and excluded others who were as significant and as influential. Moreover, this work seeks to highlight the unique aspects of that tradition in light of how historiography classifies diverse expressions of modern political thought in relation to their conservative or radical potential which, in the end, foreshadow their relation with, and influence on, the political changes of modernity. This article argues that the development of the principle of potestas populi within Hispanic political thought forms part of the long tradition of ““radical ideas”” that nourished modern revolutions and that this tradition was taken even further when it was applied to——the then recently discovered, that is, conquered——American populations. Finally, this work maintains that political thought should be reconsidered from a viewpoint that is not focused on a world of readers and academic learning——in which ideas, references, and texts are passed among individuals or groups of individuals——but on a more flexible notion and a wider scope: the concept of imaginaire, that is, how societies represent and perceive themselves. The reality of imaginaires resides in their very existence, their impact on mentality and behaviour, and in their capacity to influence decision-making processes. En este trabajo se estudia la configuracióón, en el pensamiento políítico hispáánico, del principio segúún el cual toda legitimidad políítica se basa en el consentimiento de la comunidad y en la naturaleza contractual del origen del poder. Uno de sus objetivos es recuperar planteamientos que han sido oscurecidos por la excluyente atencióón que la historiografíía interesada en los procesos hispáánicos ha prestado a algunos autores, por encima de otros igualmente significativos e influyentes. Se trata ademáás de resaltar los singulares matices de dicha tradicióón textual, a la luz de la clasificacióón que la historiografíía suele asignar a las distintas expresiones del pensamiento políítico moderno en funcióón de su potencial conservador o radical; lo que, en úúltima instancia, prefigura sus relaciones e influencias sobre los cambios polííticos de la modernidad. Se sostiene aquíí que el desarrollo del principio de la potestas populi en el pensamiento políítico hispáánico forma parte de la larga tradicióón de ““ideas radicales”” que alimentaron las revoluciones modernas, que fueron incluso llevadas a extremos no corrientes en la éépoca al ser aplicadas a las poblaciones que habíían sido recientemente descubiertas y que eran por tanto poblaciones de conquista. Finalmente, este trabajo mantiene que el pensamiento políítico debe ser reconsiderado desde una perspectiva que no se centre en un mundo de lectores y conocimiento acadéémico en que ideas, referencias y textos son transmitidos entre individuos o grupos de individuos, sino a partir de una nocióón máás flexible amplia: el concepto de imaginario, es decir, el conjunto de representaciones que las sociedades producen y desde las cuales se perciben a síí mismas; y cuya realidad reside en su propia existencia, en su impacto sobre las mentalidades y comportamientos y en su capacidad de influir sobre la toma de decisiones.


2019 ◽  
Vol 76 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 138-148
Author(s):  
Francesco Zammartino

Seventy Years after its proclamation, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, despite not having a binding force for the states, still provides at international level the fundamental text from which the principles and the values for the preservation of liberty and right of people are taken. In this article, the author particularly underlines the importance of Declaration’s article 1, which states: “All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights”. With these words the Declaration presses states to undertake economic policies aimed at achieving economic and social progress for all individuals. Unfortunately, we also have to underline the lack of effective social policies in government programs of the E.U. Member States. The author inquires whether it is left to European judges to affirm the importance of social welfare.


2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 93-99
Author(s):  
Игорь А. Исаев

The article deals with one of the most important issues in the Soviet political and legal history. The choice of the political form that was established almost immediately after the victory of the Bolsheviks in the Revolution of 1917, meant a change in the direction of development of the state. Councils became an alternative to the parliamentary republic. The article analyzes the basic principles of both political systems and the reasons for such a choice. The author emphasizes transnational political direction of the so-called “direct action” which took place not only in Russia, but also in several European countries.


Oikos ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 14 (29) ◽  
pp. 13
Author(s):  
Olga María Cerqueira Torres

RESUMENEn el presente artículo el análisis se ha centrado en determinar cuáles de las funciones del interregionalismo, sistematizadas en los trabajos de Jürgen Rüland, han sido desarrolladas en la relación Unión Europea-Comunidad Andina de Naciones, ya que ello ha permitido evidenciar si el estado del proceso de integración de la CAN ha condicionado la racionalidad política del comportamiento de la Unión Europea hacia la región andina (civil power o soft imperialism); esto posibilitará establecer la viabilidad de la firma del Acuerdo de Asociación Unión Europea-Comunidad Andina de Naciones.Palabras clave: Unión Europea, Comunidad Andina, interregionalismo, funciones, acuerdo de asociación. Interregionalism functions in the EU-ANDEAN community relationsABSTRACTIn the present article analysis has focused on which functions of interregionalism, systematized by Jürgen Rüland, have been developed in the European Union-Andean Community birregional relation, that allowed demonstrate if the state of the integration process in the Andean Community has conditioned the political rationality of the European Union towards the Andean region (civil power or soft imperialism); with all these elements will be possible to establish the viability of the Association Agreement signature between the European Union and the Andean Community.Keywords: European Union, Andean Community, interregionalism, functions, association agreement.


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