The new class war: Excluding the working class in 21st-century Britain

Juncture ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 298-304 ◽  
Author(s):  
Geoff Evans ◽  
James Tilley
Keyword(s):  
2021 ◽  
pp. 112-118
Author(s):  
A.P. Khlynin ◽  

This study analyzed in details the genesis of American school of study of elites in the period from the middle of the 20th century to the beginning of the 21st century. In this case the author makes an attempt to classify the main phases of American elitology from the 40s of the 20th century. Based on an analysis of papers of well-known American sociologists and political scientists who study elites, the author states the main approaches in relation to the study of elites. Thus, in the 1940s, the dominant approach to understanding elites was the liberal-democratic, according to which access to the elites is open for everyone who has extra skills in different spheres of society. At the same time stands a technocratic approach, which define elite as a group of professional managers who form a new class of technocracy. In 50s–60s liberal-democratic approach has been criticized by left-wing approach. From this point, elite was defined as a narrow layer of financiers and persons, who are close to the president, and this layer is closed. In the 60s–70s, the most popular approach of studying elites was pluralism. According to which, elite has no monolithic origin — it is a complex of interconnected independent elites. From the beginning of the 70s, the basic principles of pluralism have been criticized by neoelitism, according to which the most elite representatives included in most elite groups simultaneously. The late 20th — early 21st century can be characterized in two ways: dispute between pluralists and neoelitists and attempts to operationalize the concept of elite.


Author(s):  
Sally Tomlinson

Chapter I notes that while necessarily selective of historical events, explanations for the 2016 Brexit vote, trade wars, race and migrant antagonisms and hatreds must start with the British Empire, especially in the later 19th century when power and wealth were concentrated in a white world. Racial ignorance and assumptions of national superiority have continued into the 21st century. The chapter discusses the emergence of mass education from around 1870 which was influenced by events associated with imperialism and its ideologies. It records that British values and invented traditions, imbued with nationalism, militarism and racial arrogance, were filtered down from public schools to state secondary and elementary school. Teaching, textbooks and youth literature reflected and entrenched beliefs in the superiority of white people and distrust of foreigners. There were some signs that the white working class recognised a connection between imperial rule and their own class position.


2008 ◽  
Vol 13 (6) ◽  
pp. 1-13 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jayne Raisborough ◽  
Matt Adams

We draw on ‘new’ class analysis to argue that mockery frames many cultural representations of class and move to consider how it operates within the processes of class distinction. Influenced by theories of disparagement humour, we explore how mockery creates spaces of enunciation, which serve, when inhabited by the middle class, particular articulations of distinction from the white, working class. From there we argue that these spaces, often presented as those of humour and fun, simultaneously generate for the middle class a certain distancing from those articulations. The plays of articulation and distancing, we suggest, allow a more palatable, morally sensitive form of distinction-work for the middle-class subject than can be offered by blunt expressions of disgust currently argued by some ‘new’ class theorising. We will claim that mockery offers a certain strategic orientation to class and to distinction work before finishing with a detailed reading of two Neds comic strips to illustrate what aspects of perceived white, working class lives are deemed appropriate for these functions of mockery. The Neds, are the latest comic-strip family launched by the publishers of children's comics The Beano and The Dandy, D C Thomson and Co Ltd.


Author(s):  
Toyin Falola ◽  
Chukwuemeka Agbo

In line with Thomas Hodgkin’s assertion, the search for Africa’s struggle for liberation, equality, self-determination and the dignity of the African is traceable to the result of the centuries of relationship between Africa and Europe dating at least since the 15th century. That association left Africa at the lowest ebb of the racial pyramid which Europeans had formed. As Africans at home and diaspora began to gain Western education, they began to question the racial and discriminatory ideas of whites against black people. They initiated the campaign for African equality with other races drawing inspiration from Africa’s culture and history to argue that Africa had contributed to world development just like any other race. At home in Africa, this new class of elites launched the struggle for the end of colonial domination in the continent. This movement to lift Africa out of the pit of subordination became known as Pan-Africanism. The movement has recorded tremendous successes, an outstanding example being the decolonization of the continent and the improved position of Africans in diaspora. Scholars have done a great deal of work on these movements and successes. Nevertheless, there is urgent need for a critical appraisal of 21st-century Pan-Africanism.


2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (6) ◽  
pp. 457-460 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abhishek Iyer ◽  
Annemieke Madder ◽  
Ishwar Singh

2020 ◽  
Vol 74 (1) ◽  
pp. 80-83
Author(s):  
Manuel Betancourt

While Bong Joon-ho's Parasite is the most well-known recent example of the home-invasion thriller, Latin American cinema has produced a number of other films—many made before Bong's Oscar-winning film premiered at the 2019 Cannes Film Festival—using similar settings to create urgent stories about economic inequality. Emerging during a period of political and economic instability, these films present the luxury home as a stand in for an antiseptic capitalist order and a dulled bourgeois complacency, providing its occupants with a sense of safety and comfort that is as arbitrary as it is illusory. These films may focus on the rift between economic classes, but they are equally driven by a desire to unravel and dismantle the systems that put the working class at the mercy of moneyed homeowners. FQ columnist Manuel Betancourt examines these trends in relation to two recent films: Mexico's Mano de obra (Workforce, 2019, dir. David Zonana) and Argentina's Marea alta (High Tide, 2020, dir. Verónica Chen).


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-63
Author(s):  
Martin Lundsteen

Abstract The 21st century has seen increasing attacks directed at Muslim places of worship, a social problem that has resulted in a whole array of investigations. This article suggests that the majority of this research on mosque conflicts fails to address the entrenched class dynamics and shifting geography of capitalist accumulation. Consequently, it complements this research by analysing the first mediatised conflict of its kind in Spain, the protest against the construction of a purpose-built mosque in Catalonia, Premià de Mar. The case demonstrates that the opposition was in fact a racist attack against Muslims answering to the economic interests of the local bourgeoisie. The ones acting it out, a section of the local working class, was convinced that this symbol of migrant presence would be a degrading feature that would jeopardise their recent social upward mobility. Hence it is fundamentally an expression of how racist logic is embedded in the spatial logic of capitalism in the 21st century.


2013 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 138-141
Author(s):  
James Caron

In narrating Afghanistan's 21st century, future historians might bracket the first decade with the two Bonn conferences of 2001 and 2011: great-power delegates and handpicked elite Afghans meeting to plot Afghanistan's transitional place in the international system. In contrast, Afghan popular and intellectual cultures alike have often voiced alternate histories. For example, Malang Kohistani, a contemporary working-class singer of Kabul's hinterland, sees top-down Afghan integrations into globality not as a fundamentally new construction of institutions that promise prosperity for a nation-state and its people but rather as one more intrusive disruption—in a chain of similar events beginning over 2,000 years ago with Alexander—in everyday people's continuous, bottom-up efforts to ensure their livelihoods, in part through developing horizontally organized trade networks. And indeed it is not only post-2001 statist intervention that has attracted such popular responses, but this is also a longstanding critique among both urban and rural Afghan intellectuals. In some ways Malang Kohistani echoes Malang Jan, the renowned 1950s sharecropper-poet of Jalalabad, as well as various more elite authors.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 14-20
Author(s):  
Durai Murugan S

Marxism, which produced the theory of communism, is very extensive. This field that originated in the West and grew up in Tamil novel literature, and Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels are the founders of Marxism, which has the principle of equality for the working class. The theory of reflection is the theory that is primarily in the literary theories advanced by Marxism. That is, the class conflicts in society cause crises in human lives. The economic inequality in society is the primary cause of social contradiction. Struggles erupt when the bourgeoisie exploits the working people. This article seeks to examine the struggles in Tamil novels published in the 21st century.


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