Let God and Rawls Be friends: On the Cooperation between the Political Liberal Government and Religious Schools in Civic Education

Author(s):  
Baldwin Wong
2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 141-161 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian MacMullen

Some people claim that religious schools are poorly suited to prepare children for citizenship in a multi-religious society that is (or aspires to be) a liberal democracy. In what sense(s), by what mechanism(s), and to what extent might this be so? And what could be the implications for public policy? I propose an analytical and evaluative framework for addressing these questions. There are several potentially independent dimensions on which a school may have a religious character, and each of these dimensions is a continuous variable. Schools that are strongly religious on all of these dimensions are indeed very poor instruments of civic education in a multi-religious society. But what about schools whose religious character is far weaker on each dimension? If these schools are inferior to their secular counterparts for civic educational purposes, that inferiority may be very slight. Given the great diversity among religious schools, and if – as I argue – the civic goals of education are not the only important values that ought to guide public education policy, there are powerful reasons to discriminate among (proposed) religious schools when making policy decisions about regulation and funding. Those who oppose such a discriminating approach must demonstrate that the benefits of ‘difference blindness’ in this domain outweigh its substantial costs.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-82
Author(s):  
Vida Panitch

Anti-commodification theorists condemn liberal political philosophers for not being able to justify restricting a market transaction on the basis of what is sold, but only on the basis of how it is sold. The anti-commodification theorist is correct that if this were all the liberal had to say in the face of noxious markets, it would be inadequate: even if everyone has equal bargaining power and no one is misled, there are some goods that should not go to the highest bidder. In this paper, I respond to the anti-commodification critique of liberalism by arguing that the political liberal has the wherewithal to account not only for the conditions under which goods should not be sold, but also for what kinds of goods should not be for sale in a market economy. The political liberal can appeal to a principle of equal basic rights, and to one of sufficiency in basic needs and the social bases of self-respect, I argue, to account for what’s problematic about markets in civic goods, necessary goods, and physical goods including body parts and intimate services.


2020 ◽  

In democracy, political participation is seen as the most important way for citizens to communicate information to political decision-makers (Sydney Verba) and the bureaucracy affiliated to them. Protest plays a special role here among the political and cultural varieties of participation, since it can be seen as a symptom of democratic defects or as an expression of a living, transformative democracy. Civic education situates itself in relation to this particular form of expression of political culture in a multidimensional way: it transmits basic democratic values to educational institutions and marks the boundaries of accepted practice of protest quite differently. This can also result in a transformative practice of protest (Banks), which is also discussed in this volume. In it, the authors resurvey the field of political education according to the conditions of the current crisis-ridden transformation in democracy. This anthology was created to document the 2017 Münster Conference of the DVPW-Committee on Political Science and Civic Education.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 282
Author(s):  
Asmika Rahman ◽  
Suharno Suharno

This article describes the implementation of political education through learning Pancasila and Civic Education learning to increase the political awareness of students in Abu Bakar Integrated Islamic High School Yogyakarta. This research used descriptive qualitative method. This study gathers data use interviews, observation, and documentation. The results showed that the implementation of political education through learning Pancasila and Civic Education learning was using the 2013 Curriculum and KTSP, the development of the material, and the use of learning models. Factors that support the implementation of political education are the application of a national curriculum, professional teachers, extracurricular activities, and the availability of facilities.


2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (9) ◽  
pp. 146
Author(s):  
Zaid Suleiman Al-Edwan

<p class="apa">The present study aimed at exploring the concepts of the security education in the textbooks of the national and civic education of the higher primary stage in Jordan. It adopted the descriptive analytical method. The study sample consisted of the textbooks of the national and civic education for the basic eighth, ninth and tenth grades. To achieve the objective of the study, a form was prepared for the analysis of these textbooks which contained the security education concepts; (34) security concepts distributed over four areas: the intellectual security, the political security, the social security, and the economic security. The findings of the study showed that the textbook of the national and civic education of the tenth primary grade was of more inclusion of the concepts of security education than those of the eighth and ninth grades. Also, it was revealed that the extent of inclusion of the security education concepts in the textbooks of the national and civic education varies in the higher primary stage, while the level of sequence of these concepts included in these textbooks is low. Additionally, the findings showed that there were no statistically indicative differences in the level of integration of the security education concepts between the textbooks of national and civic education in higher primary stage in Jordan.</p>


Author(s):  
Mahmoud Ezzo Hamdo

 Research tackles the bases that pluralism based on . in the western liberal thought for example many of lebral opinions that of called for pluralism were discussed so research divided to for mian aspects : first aspect the theoritical political .liberal and political pluralism concepts of the research . the second aspects : tackles the descussion relativity of the truth  and right and the pluralism of the contemprory western liberal thought . third aspect : tackles the equality and emphasizing of the pluralism in the contemprory western liberal . thought  fanally the fourth aspect tackles the political respresentation and pluralism in the western liberal thought . the research also has ended with many of conclusions .


Significance Some of Canada’s largest provincial governments have seen their approval ratings fall in the wake of the third wave, although there has been little impact on the Liberal government in Ottawa. The political consequences will remain significant in the coming months. Impacts Changes in government could see all provinces except Saskatchewan have a carbon tax in place by 2023. Manitoba could see the election of Wab Kinew as Canada’s first Indigenous provincial premier if current trends continue. Universal pharmacare is off the table for now, as Ottawa and provinces seek to woo back pharmaceutical investment. A return to power of the NDP in Alberta would see several significant mining and oil sands projects cancelled.


2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-140
Author(s):  
Siwach Sripokangkul

As a response to the protracted political conflict that has plagued Thailand for over a decade, Thai royalist-nationalists have stated that the problem of Thai political development derives from a lack of ‘citizenship’ characteristics in Thais. In their view, the best solution is to educate the masses and to cultivate civic education by teaching both it and normative Thai ‘core values’, together with royalist-nationalist history, as subjects to students. As a result, students are destined to become patriotic ‘saviours’. They are expected to be strong citizens who can solve the political development ‘problem’ of democracy under the ‘Democratic Regime of the Government with the King as Head of State’. This article seeks to understand how the two topics of civic education and history have been taught in Thai schools for twelve years, covering both primary and secondary schools. What type of Thai citizen does this curriculum desire to produce? The author rigorously analysed a corpus of civic education and history teaching material, and argues that the contents of these topics are designed to transform students into ‘docile subjects’. They are ideally ‘objects’ that are to be ordered and imposed upon by the state ideology, shaping them into ultra-royalists and ultra-nationalists.


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