scholarly journals Framing the policy debate over tobacco control legislation and tobacco taxation in South Africa

2021 ◽  
pp. tobaccocontrol-2021-056675
Author(s):  
Mateusz Zygmunt Zatoński ◽  
Catherine O Egbe ◽  
Lindsay Robertson ◽  
Anna Gilmore

BackgroundIn 2018, South Africa opened public consultations on its newly proposed tobacco control bill, resulting in substantial public debate in which a range of arguments, either in favour of or against the Bill, was advanced. These were accompanied by the recurring discussions about the annual adjustments in tobacco taxation. This study uses the concept of framing to examine the public debate in South African print media on the potential effects of the legislation, as well as tobacco tax regulations, between their proponents and detractors.MethodsA systematic search of news articles using multiple data sources identified 132 media articles published between January 2018 and September 2019 that met the inclusion criteria.ResultsSeven overarching frames were identified as characterising the media debate, with the three dominant frames being Economic, Harm reduction and vaping, and Health. The leading Economic frame consisted primarily of arguments unsupportive of tobacco control legislation. Economic arguments were promoted by tobacco industry spokespeople, trade unions, organisations of retailers, media celebrities and think tanks—several of which have been identified as front groups or third-party lobbyists for the tobacco industry.ConclusionThe dominance of economic arguments opposing tobacco control legislation risks undermining tobacco control progress. Local and global tobacco control advocates should seek to build relationships with media, as well as collate and disseminate effective counterarguments to those advanced by the industry.

2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 183-194 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sanchita Mukherjee ◽  
U. S. Mishra

Tobacco use is a serious concern in India since it is one of the largest producers and consumers of tobacco in the world. With growing evidence of health hazards caused by tobacco, Government of India had enacted various tobacco control legislations. This article provides a critical review of such government interventions. It traces tobacco practices and production trends in India, and proceeds further to provide a detailed account of the history of such interventions to understand the effectiveness of such policies, and stresses on the role of tobacco companies to weaken tobacco control policies in India. This article concludes that though tobacco control has taken a long leap forward with the introduction of various legislative steps to prohibit tobacco use across the country, review of these policies shows their inadequacy not only in enforcement but also in issues related to (a) the interference of the tobacco industry, (b) issues with tobacco taxation and (c) the failure of government to rehabilitate people involved with cultivation, production and distribution of tobacco products.


2019 ◽  
pp. tobaccocontrol-2019-055066 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dharma Bhatta ◽  
Eric Crosbie ◽  
Stella Bialous ◽  
Stanton Glantz

BackgroundNepal was a monarchy, then a dictatorship, then a democracy. This paper reviews how tobacco control progressed in Nepal in the context of these changes in government from 1950 through 2006.MethodsWe triangulated tobacco industry documents, newspaper articles and key informant interviews.ResultsUntil 1983, the tobacco industry was mostly state owned. Transnational tobacco companies entered the Nepalese market through ventures with Surya Tobacco Company Private Limited (with Imperial Tobacco Company and British American Tobacco) in 1983 and Seti Cigarette Factory Limited (with Philip Morris International [PMI]) in 1985. Seminars and conferences on tobacco, celebrations of World No Tobacco Day (WNTD) and efforts by WHO helped promote tobacco control in Nepal beginning in the 1970s. Tobacco advocates in Nepal pushed the government to issue executive orders banning smoking in public places in 1992 and tobacco advertising in electronic media in 1998, and to introduce a tobacco health tax in 1993. The tobacco industry lobbied against these measures and succeeded in keeping the tobacco tax low by challenging it in court. Tobacco advocates sued the government in 2003 and 2005, resulting in a June 2006 Supreme Court decision upholding the smoking and advertising bans and requiring the government to enact a comprehensive tobacco control law.ConclusionsPolitical instability, conflict, weak governance and the dictatorship significantly affect tobacco control activities in low-income and middle-income countries. Nepal shows that tobacco control advocates can take advantage of global events, such as WNTD, and use domestic litigation to maintain support from civil societies and to advocate for stronger tobacco control policies.


2017 ◽  
Vol 27 (5) ◽  
pp. 488-497 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rosemary Hiscock ◽  
J Robert Branston ◽  
Ann McNeill ◽  
Sara C Hitchman ◽  
Timea R Partos ◽  
...  

ObjectiveTaxation equitably reduces smoking, the leading cause of health inequalities. The tobacco industry (TI) can, however, undermine the public health gains realised from tobacco taxation through its pricing strategies. This study aims to examine contemporary TI pricing strategies in the UK and implications for tobacco tax policy.DesignReview of commercial literature and longitudinal analysis of tobacco sales and price data.SettingA high-income country with comprehensive tobacco control policies and high tobacco taxes (UK).Participants2009 to 2015 Nielsen Scantrak electronic point of sale systems data.Main outcome measuresTobacco segmentation; monthly prices, sales volumes of and net revenue from roll-your-own (RYO) and factory-made (FM) cigarettes by segment; use of price-marking and pack sizes.ResultsThe literature review and sales data concurred that both RYO and FM cigarettes were segmented by price. Despite regular tax increases, average real prices for the cheapest FM and RYO segments remained steady from 2013 while volumes grew. Low prices were maintained through reductions in the size of packs and price-marking. Each year, at the point the budget is implemented, the TI drops its revenue by up to 18 pence per pack, absorbing the tax increases (undershifting). Undershifting is most marked for the cheapest segments.ConclusionsThe TI currently uses a variety of strategies to keep tobacco cheap. The implementation of standardised packaging will prevent small pack sizes and price-marking but further changes in tax policy are needed to minimise the TI’s attempts to prevent sudden price increases.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (Supplement 2) ◽  
pp. 235s-235s
Author(s):  
S. Lipponen ◽  
M. Hara

Background and context: Finland has set itself the goal of ending the use of tobacco and other nicotine products by 2030. This would mean that <5% of the adult population would use tobacco and nicotine products daily. This goal has been set out in the Tobacco Act (2016). To help realize the goal, a working group appointed by the Ministry of Social Affairs and Health proposed 31 May 2018 a roadmap of measures. How does the Cancer Society of Finland best support these actions? Aim: Tobacco control is at the core focus of cancer prevention. The Cancer Society's strategic purpose is beating cancer. Strategy/Tactics: The Cancer Society of Finland supports advocacy work for tobacco- and nicotine-free Finland 2030 within several networks. The society has identified its strategic position in tobacco-control activities. Both its strategy and its communications need to be responsive and flexible. When creating awareness on societal level of cancer burden, we must not forget the role of the tobacco industry. Analyzing tobacco industry arguments and use of media is part of our strategic planning. Because tobacco industry strategies are global, the arguments it deploys can be anticipated. In Europe, third-party strategies and criticism toward regulation are among the usual industry tactics and are well documented. Program/Policy process: Tobacco-control legislation in Finland has been well received. One role for NGOs like the Cancer Society is to create critical awareness of industry tactics, especially among stakeholders, in the media, and in decision-making. Article 5.3. of the WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control needs better implementation and guidelines in Finland. Outcomes: Collaborative networks both nationally, regionally and globally are bases of tobacco control advocacy. Engaging the cancer community in tobacco control is a unique role for cancer societies. What was learned: 1. Experience sharing within network structures nationally and on the Nordic, European and global level is essential for effective advocacy. 2. In the field of communication analysis of industry arguments can spur effective media strategies to support tobacco control.


2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (Supplement_5) ◽  
Author(s):  
A Gallagher ◽  
K A Evans-Reeves ◽  
J L Hatchard ◽  
A B Gilmore

Abstract Background The tobacco industry portrays itself as key to solving Illicit Tobacco Trade (ITT) and presents its funding of research on ITT as its attempt to address the problem. In recent years, transnational tobacco companies (TTCs) have been a major funding source of data on ITT which is heavily publicised, especially when a tobacco control policy is being debated. Methods Papers and reports assessing tobacco industry-funded data on ITT were obtained via systematic searching of academic and grey literature through databases and Google/website searches respectively. Characteristics of assessed industry funded data and criticisms/praise of them as detailed in the assessments were coded using a framework based on existing literature on methods for measuring ITT and for assessing the quality of estimates on tobacco tax avoidance and evasion. Results Of the 35 assessments reviewed, 31 argued that tobacco industry estimates were higher than independent estimates. Criticisms identified problems with data collection (29), analytical methods (22) and presentation of results (21), which resulted in inflated ITT estimates or data on ITT that were presented in a misleading manner. Lack of transparency from data collection right through to presentation of findings was a key issue with insufficient information to allow replication of the findings frequently cited. Conclusions Our findings demonstrate that the contribution of tobacco industry-funded data on ITT thus far in aiding understanding of ITT is extremely limited, if not counterproductive, as tobacco industry funded data on ITT is unreliable and primarily serves as a platform for the industry to lobby against tobacco control policies, including tax increases. Key messages TTC-funded data routinely exaggerate/overestimate levels of illicit when compared with independent sources and fail to meet the standards of peer-reviewed publications. A potential means for providing high-quality and transparent ITT research would be a tax on tobacco companies, with funds going towards independent development of established methodologies.


Author(s):  
Tembinkosi Bonakele ◽  
Dave Beaty ◽  
Fathima Rasool ◽  
Drikus Kriek

The recent entry of the US multinational Walmart into South Africa has proved to be a source of controversy. Key stakeholders in South Africa objected to the merger and attempted to block it unless certain conditions were met. The aim of this study was to examine the controversy and the conditions surrounding the merger. The research employed a qualitative archival analysis to examine publicly available sources of information with regard to the merger. The findings revealed key stakeholders’ concerns that Walmart’s entry would lead to an increase in imports which would displace local producers, increase unemployment, marginalise trade unions and lower labour standards unless certain conditions were met. The results also revealed problems relating to the firm’s primary focus on “business” while neglecting “public interest” issues, naively relying on their “local retailer” to manage key stakeholders, and assuming that their perceived controversial reputation regarding treatment of trade unions and their views about unemployment as well as the controversies surrounding their history of entry into other global markets would not have the major negative impact it did on stakeholders in South Africa.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 56-75
Author(s):  
Ainara Mancebo

A tripartite alliance formed by the African National Congress, the South African Communist Party and the Congress of South African Trade Unions has been ruling the country with wide parliamentarian majorities. The country remains more consensual and politically inclusive than any of the other African countries in the post-independence era. This article examines three performance’s aspects of the party dominance systems: legitimacy, stability and violence. As we are living in a period in which an unprecedented number of countries have completed democratic transitions, it is politically and conceptually important that we understand the specific tasks of crafting democratic consolidation.


BMJ Open ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (11) ◽  
pp. e044710
Author(s):  
Britta Katharina Matthes ◽  
Lindsay Robertson ◽  
Anna B Gilmore

IntroductionAdvocacy is vital for advancing tobacco control and there has been considerable investment in this area. While much is known about tobacco industry interference (TII), there is little research on advocates’ efforts in countering TII and what they need to succeed. We sought to examine this and focused on low- and middle-income countries (LMICs) where adoption and implementation of the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC) tend to remain slower and weaker.MethodWe interviewed 22 advocates from eight LMICs with recent progress in a tobacco control policy. We explored participants’ experiences in countering TII, including the activities they undertake, challenges they encounter and how their efforts could be enhanced. We used Qualitative Description to analyse transcripts and validated findings through participant feedback.ResultsWe identified four main areas of countering activities: (1) generating and compiling data and evidence, (2) accessing policymakers and restricting industry access, (3) working with media and (4) engaging in a national coalition. Each area was linked to challenges, including (1) lack of data, (2) no/weak implementation of FCTC Article 5.3, (3) industry ties with media professionals and (4) advocates’ limited capacity. To address these challenges, participants suggested initiatives, including access to country-specific data, building advocates’ skills in compiling and using such data in research and monitoring, and in coalition development; others aiming at training journalists to question and investigate TII; and finally, diverse interventions intended to advance a whole-of-government approach to tobacco control. Structural changes to tobacco control funding and coordination were suggested to facilitate the proposed measures.ConclusionThis research highlights that following years of investment in tobacco control in LMICs, there is growing confidence in addressing TII. We identify straightforward initiatives that could strengthen such efforts. This research also underscores that more structural changes to enhance tobacco control capacity building should be considered.


2018 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-41 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian M Hartshorn ◽  
Rudra Sil

Wherever labor has played a significant role in bringing about regime change, there may be opportunities to join in the post-authoritarian ruling coalition in the hopes of consolidating its influence. This article examines the long-term risks and unanticipated consequences of giving in to this temptation by comparing post-communist Poland and post-apartheid South Africa, where the leading trade union federations became weaker and more divided as their political allies pushed forward with economic liberalization. Tunisia’s trade unions, awarded the 2015 Nobel Peace Prize for their contribution to a stable transition after the ‘Arab Spring,’ face the risk of going down the same path should they continue to view themselves as partners of the new governing elite, which has already signaled its intention of pursuing further liberalization.


BMJ Open ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (9) ◽  
pp. e023485
Author(s):  
Caroline Louise Miller ◽  
Aimee Lee Brownbill ◽  
Joanne Dono ◽  
Kerry Ettridge

ObjectivesIn 2012, Australia was the first country in the world to introduce plain or standardised tobacco packaging, coupled with larger graphic health warnings. This policy was fiercely opposed by industry. Media coverage can be an influential contributor to public debate, and both public health advocates and industry sought media coverage for their positions. The aim of this study was to measure the print media coverage of Australian’s plain packaging laws, from inception to roll-out, in major Australian newspapers.MethodsThis study monitored mainstream Australian print media (17 newspapers) coverage of the plain packaging policy debate and implementation, over a 7-year period from January 2008 to December 2014. Articles (n=701) were coded for article type, opinion slant and topic(s).DesignContent analysis.ResultsCoverage of plain packaging was low during preimplementation phase (2008–2009), increasing sharply in the lead into legislative processes and diminished substantially after implementation. Articles covered policy rationale, policy progress and industry arguments. Of the news articles, 96% were neutrally framed. Of the editorials, 55% were supportive, 28% were opposing, 12% were neutral and 5% were mixed.ConclusionsProtracted political debate, reflected in the media, led to an implementation delay of plain packaging. While Australian media provided comprehensive coverage of industry arguments, news coverage was largely neutral, whereas editorials were mostly supportive or neutral of the policy. Countries seeking to implement plain packaging of tobacco should not be deterred by the volume of news coverage, but should actively promote the evidence for plain packaging in the media to counteract the arguments of the tobacco industry.


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