Asia’s Lesser Powers Confront US–China Threat to the Regional Order

2020 ◽  
Vol 56 (02) ◽  
pp. 2040005
Author(s):  
T. J. PEMPEL

Tensions between the United States and China have been on the rise under Xi Jinping and Donald Trump, challenging longstanding regional moves to peace and prosperity. In response, a number of less powerful East Asian states have taken steps toward deeper regional economic ties and multilateral institutions. This paper analyzes these competing tensions and their implications for the Asia-Pacific regional order.

2019 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-41
Author(s):  
Bhubhindar Singh ◽  
Sarah Teo ◽  
Shawn Ho ◽  
Henrick Tsjeng

Subject China's options for retaliating against US firms during trade tensions. Significance US President Donald Trump tweeted yesterday that he is working with China's President Xi Jinping to get China's telecoms giant, ZTE, "back in business, fast" -- even though it was penal US sanctions that forced the company to announce last week that it was stopping operations. The Trump administration is divided on whether its objective in threatening imports tariffs on Chinese goods worth 50 billion dollars, effective May 22, is to strike a deal to cut China's trade surplus with the United States or to change China's industrial practices. Impacts Compliance costs will rise even if trade tensions subside. Investors in industries that China sees as strategic (eg, semiconductors and integrated circuits) may face unwritten screening rules. Investors in automobile, aircraft and shipping manufacturing and finance may find new opportunities to enter the market.


Author(s):  
D. P. Novikov

The article is devoted to the problems of the development of modern relations of Russia, China and the  Pacific states of Latin America. Author focuses on potential of cooperation of these states in multilateral  formats and dialogues and the reform of the economic and institutional order in the Asia-Pacific. The  relevance of such cooperation is increasing due to the crisis of the international order that has emerged  in the Asia-Pacific region. This crisis manifests itself in two aspects. First, we may observe a certain lack  of institutions of regulation of economic relations and ideas for their further development. Such a  complex agenda is shaped by Russia and China in relation to Eurasia (the concept of “Greater Eurasia”),  but the promotion of a similar agenda in the APEC faces many contradictions. Second, the Asia-Pacific region is becoming an area of confrontation between the United States and China, which is also  manifested in the struggle for the future configuration of the regional order in the region. The Pacific  countries of Latin America were not affected by either the Russian or Chinese mega-initiatives of recent  years, which are aimed precisely at creating a new international order. Meanwhile, these countries are  APEC members and participants in many regional initiatives, as well as potentially significant economic  partners for both Russia and China. Moreover, the author believes that a similar level of economic  development and similar needs objectively bring together the views and approaches of the leading  Eurasian powers and the Pacific states of Latin America to the development of multilateral institutions of  the regional order. However, the historically established institutional and political linkage of these  countries to the United States currently determines their support for American initiatives. This provision, however, is not a given, and some irregularity of the American regional policy under the Trump  administration makes the development of dialogue with these countries on the broad problems of  multilateral cooperation in Eurasia and the Asia-Pacific region even more in demand. The author  considers the proposed analysis and some conclusions as an opportunity for academic and expert  discussion on the identified issues. 


2017 ◽  
Vol 03 (03) ◽  
pp. 357-375
Author(s):  
Jiemian Yang

China under the leadership of President Xi Jinping has maintained strategic concentration since the election of President Donald Trump who has shown an anti-establishment approach to domestic and foreign affairs. China adheres to its diplomatic principles of preserving core national interests, making overall strategic agendas, going with the trends of the times, and seeking progress while stabilizing China-U.S. relations. China also attaches great importance to summit diplomacy and has achieved early outcomes through Xi-Trump meetings at both Mar-a-Lago and Hamburg. Nevertheless, China has yet to meet daunting challenges on its road ahead to a more stable, cooperative, and predictable relationship with the United States under President Trump.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Agung Yudhistira Nugroho ◽  
Wіntа Br Pаndіа

ABSTRACT            The statement of nUnited States President Donald Trump "You Say Asia-Pacific, I Say Indo-Pacific" suggests for changes in the geopolitical concentration of the United States in Asia to increase influence in the region. The progressive steps taken by America are contained in the concept of "free open Indo-Pacific" which involves several countries in Asia as the US grand strategy. The presence of the United States alliance or the designation in the Indo-Pacific, namely The Quad emphasized the seriousness of the United States in working on the Indo-Pacific concept. The Indo-Pacific which is promoted by the United States aims to stem the influence of China domination after the United States' exit in the Trans Pacific Partnership (TPP) cooperation forum. America needs a new 'container' to be able to increase its influence in the Asian region and the Indo-Pacific concept is the answer. The Indo-Pacific United States which promotes cooperation and investment is prepared as the main strategy using the concepts of geopolitics and geoeconomics. The United States in the Indo-Pacific again reaffirmed the existence of hegemonic power coupled with moving the quad as an additional strength of the United States in the region. Opportunities and challenges will be faced by the United States in implementing this strategy, as well as countries that are members of the quad, it cannot be denied that the interests to be achieved in the future will be different. In addition to the anarchic international system, there is the term that there is no "eternal friend", but eternal importance. Keywords: Indo-Pacific, Strategy, United States, Hegemony, Investment, Cooperation AbstrakPernyataan Presiden Amerika Serikat Donald Trump “You Say Asia-Pasifik, I Say Indo-Pacific” mengisyaratkan bagi perubahan konsentrasi geopolitik Amerika Serikat di Asia untuk meningkatkan pengaruh di kawasan. Langkah progesif yang ditempuh Amerika tertuang dalam konsep “free open Indo-Pacific” yang melibatkan beberapa negara di Asia sebagai grand strategy AS. Hadirnya negara aliansi Amerika Serikat atau sebutan dalam Indo-Pasifik, yaitu The Quad menegaskan keseriusan Amerika Serikat dalam menggarap konsep Indo-Pasifik. Indo-Pasifik yang diusung oleh Amerika Serikat bertujuan untuk membendung pengaruh dominasi Tiongkok setelah keluarnya Amerika Serikat dalam forum kerja sama Trans Pacific Partnership (TPP). Amerika membutuhkan ‘wadah’ baru untuk dapat kembali meningkatkan pengaruhnya di kawasan Asia dan konsep Indo-Pasifik adalah jawabannya. Indo-Pasifik Amerika Serikat yang mengedepankan kerja sama dan investasi disusun sebagai strategi utama dengan menggunakan konsep geopolitik dan geoekonomi. Amerika Serikat dalam Indo-Pasifik kembali  menegaskan eksistensi sebagai kekuatan hegemon dibarengi dengan menggerakkan the quad sebagai kekuatan tambahan Amerika Serikat di kawasan. Peluang dan tantangan akan banyak dihadapi oleh Amerika Serikat dalam melaksanakan strategi tersebut, seperti halnya negara-negara yang tergabung dalam the quad, tidak dapat dibantah bahwasanya kepentingan yang ingin dicapai kedepannya akan berbeda. Di tambah dalam sistem internasional yang anarki ada istilah tidak ada “teman abadi”, melainkan kepentingan selamanya yang abadi. Kata Kunci: Indo-Pasifik, Strategi, Amerika Serikat, Hegemoni, Investasi, Kerja sama 


2002 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 165-184
Author(s):  
Sung-Joo Han

This article contends that the September 11th terrorist attacks have had a significant effect on the Asian regional order as well as on the global order. Globally, they have had two seemingly contradictory effects. On the one hand, the post-9.11 situation has presented the major powers of the world, including the United States, Russia and China, to build a “system of concert,” overcoming their rivalries and conflicting interests. It seems to have given new impetus to the promotion of multilateralism in international relations. On the other hand, it has helped to revive and rediscover what is known as realism in international politics, realism that recognizes the supremacy of the state and national interest as individual states become the main protector of their citizens in times of crises.The system of concert is also evolving in East Asia which, until September 11th, 2001, had been slow in catching up with the Western world (Europe and America) in international cooperation and multilateral mechanisms. Most remarkable in this regard is the improved relations between China and the United States and, secondarily, between China and Japan. Even though sources of conflict remain among various countries, major powers such as the United States, Russia, China and Japan now place greater emphasis upon cooperation and mutual assistance in fighting global terrorism. It nevertheless seems that Asians will continue to live in a regional order where a new system of concert that evolves in the aftermath of the 9–11 attacks coexists with a traditional geopolitical and real politics order.


Author(s):  
Paulina Matera

The Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) was negotiated with participation of the U.S. representatives from 2008. It was discussed not only in terms of the economic consequences of it. The proponents of signing TPP claimed that it would strengthen the alliances in Asia-Pacific region, curtail the Chinese influences and let the U.S. establish the global trade rules for the future. The debate on this issue took place in the Congress, also the front runners of the presidential elections of 2016 expressed their standpoints. The attitude of public opinion will be also presented as well as the position of Donald Trump which resulted in the withdrawal of the United States from the agreement once he became the President of the U.S.


2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 130-134

This section, updated regularly on the blog Palestine Square, covers popular conversations related to the Palestinians and the Arab-Israeli conflict during the quarter 16 November 2017 to 15 February 2018: #JerusalemIstheCapitalofPalestine went viral after U.S. president Donald Trump recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and announced his intention to move the U.S. embassy there from Tel Aviv. The arrest of Palestinian teenager Ahed Tamimi for slapping an Israeli soldier also prompted a viral campaign under the hashtag #FreeAhed. A smaller campaign protested the exclusion of Palestinian human rights from the agenda of the annual Creating Change conference organized by the US-based National LGBTQ Task Force in Washington. And, UNRWA publicized its emergency funding appeal, following the decision of the United States to slash funding to the organization, with the hashtag #DignityIsPriceless.


Author(s):  
V. Iordanova ◽  
A. Ananev

The authors of this scientific article conducted a comparative analysis of the trade policy of US presidents Barack Obama and Donald Trump. The article states that the tightening of trade policy by the current President is counterproductive and has a serious impact not only on the economic development of the United States, but also on the entire world economy as a whole.


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