The Comparative Politics of Collective Memory

2020 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 175-194
Author(s):  
Geneviève Zubrzycki ◽  
Anna Woźny

This article examines the theoretical and empirical contributions of the interdisciplinary field of memory studies for a comparative sociology of collective memory and politics. We identify three major empirical foci that have structured the scholarship: the role of collective memory in the creation, legitimation, and maintenance of national identities and nation-states; political reckoning with the memory of difficult and violent pasts; and the ongoing transnationalization of collective memory. We conclude with suggestions for future research on the politics of memory given the rise of populism and so-called fake news.

2021 ◽  

Many contemporary party organizations are failing to fulfill their representational role in contemporary democracies. While political scientists tend to rely on a minimalist definition of political parties (groups of candidates that compete in elections), this volume argues that this misses how parties can differ not only in degree but also in kind. With a new typology of political parties, the authors provide a new analytical tool to address the role of political parties in democratic functioning and political representation. The empirical chapters apply the conceptual framework to analyze seventeen parties across Latin America. The authors are established scholars expert in comparative politics and in the cases included in the volume. The book sets an agenda for future research on parties and representation, and it will appeal to those concerned with the challenges of consolidating stable and programmatic party systems in developing democracies.


Author(s):  
Sramana Majumdar

The long-standing political conflict in the Kashmir Valley has resulted in identity based polarization and subsequent displacement of communities. Reconciliation between Hindus (also known as Pandits) and Muslims is viewed as an important step in any sustainable effort towards conflict resolution and peacebuilding in the Valley. This paper begins by examining the much debated territorial and cultural concept of ‘Kashmiriyat’ and instead proposes an alternative lens that emphasizes on shared history as opposed to common identity. We approach reconciliation through a socio-psychological lens by examining the role of a shared cultural past and historical coexistence- or simply put as shared history, as a positive resource that can be appraised by facilitating intergroup contact through certain channels. The possible impediments are discussed and future directions have been outlined. The conclusion emphasizes on the need to focus on intra-communal reconciliation in populations suffering from ongoing intractable conflict, and the necessary need for future research to focus on elements like shared history and collective memory that can be essential in post conflict recovery.


2014 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 12
Author(s):  
Sky Marsen

Issues of ‘failed’ nation-states, political meltdowns, coups and increasing militarisation have dogged the recent postcolonial history and environment of the Pacific. This, aside from the political and economic effects generally ascribed as the main societal impacts from such crises, has important social and cultural effects that are largely undocumented by academia as well as the media. The effects of political crisis on creativity through censorship, for example, are not adequately covered in current research and scholarship. The ‘Oceans and Nations: “Failed” States and the Environment in the Pacific’ symposium was organised concurrently with the Pacific Science Inter-Congress at the University of the South Pacific on 8-12 July 2013. This commentary and several other papers presented at this symposium are being published as part of this themed edition of Pacific Journalism Review. This article reflects on the role of the media in Fijians’ awareness, of environmental issues. It considers the question of whether local cultural and linguistic factors make the media a suitable source of information on the environment for Fijians, and proposes a method for future research that would help to answer this question.


Author(s):  
Matthew Graves ◽  
Elizabeth Rechniewski

Over the last thirty or so years, historians and social scientists have undertaken a wide ranging exploration of the processes involved in forgetting and remembering, with a particular focus on the level of the nation-state. Their interest corresponds to the period that Pierre Nora, the French historian responsible for the ground-breaking Les Lieux de memoire in the 1980s, terms the ‘era of commemoration,’ drawing attention to what he describes as the ‘tidal wave of memorial concerns that has broken over the world.’ Across the world, nation-states have paid renewed attention to the ceremonial and observance of national days, and have undertaken campaigns of education, information, even legislation, to enshrine the parameters of national remembering and therefore identity, while organisations and institutions of civil society and special interest groups have sought to draw the attention of their fellow citizens to their particular experiences, and perhaps gain national recognition for what they believe to have been long overlooked or forgotten. This article traces the over-lapping evolution of the practices of commemoration, the politics of memory and the academic field of ‘Memory Studies.’ It seeks in particular to identify the theoretical and methodological advances that have moved the focus of the study of memory from the static and homogenising category of ‘collective memory’ to practices of remembering, and from national to transcultural perspectives.


1997 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 169-183 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mary Neuburger

Recent scholarship has poignantly argued that the founding of modern “Western” nation-states is to a large degree a product of their drawn out colonial encounters with “the East.” It is convincingly argued that “the West” constructed its own self-assured, national and supra-national identities in the process of “discovering” and “inventing” the exotic yet inferior “East.” Furthermore, a diverse body of scholarship has delineated the central role of discourses on gender and sexuality in the development of Western societies and, in particular, nation-states. If the image of “pious mother” became key to Western national self-images, it was the counter-image of the women of the harem—veiled, oppressed, and mysterious—that typified representations of Eastern barbarism. Furthermore, Western economic and political penetration of its colonies was to a large degree justified by the “gendering” of the “irrational Orient” versus the “rational Occident.” The “liberation” of Islamic women from their “oppression” as typified by the veil became central to Western “civilizing” missions, which had far-reaching echoes on the frontiers of European society.


2016 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-3 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joanna Brück ◽  
Liv Nilsson Stutz

The European Association of Archaeologists has long fostered critical analysis of the relationship between archaeology and politics, particularly the politics of national, regional and supra-regional identities. Although the role of nationalism in the birth of archaeology as a discipline is well recognized, the events of the past few years – from the referendum on Scottish independence in 2014, to the movement for secession in eastern Ukraine, and the rise of explicitly nationalist political movements across the continent – suggest that the (re)formulation of national identities is likely to continue to have major implications both for our interpretation of the past and for the practice of archaeology in the present. In light of this, the Archaeological dialogues editorial board organized a round table at the EAA meeting in Glasgow in September 2015 to explore the extent to which institutional, legislative and funding structures as well as political and cultural imperatives continue to bind our discipline into the construction of nationalist narratives, and this more or less in spite of long-standing critical debates within the discipline itself that for decades have problematized the relationship. Are we caught in a ‘can't-live-with-and-can't-live-without’ situation? While explicitly nationalist archaeologies have become almost obsolete in the European academies, we rarely contemplate the impact of nationalism on funding or the definition and protection of cultural heritage, for example. Several of the following papers suggest that without the nation state's involvement, the vicissitudes of global capitalism would result in a situation where it would be extremely difficult to adequately protect our ‘heritage’, however that is defined.


2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-87
Author(s):  
Rabiah Adawiah Abu Seman ◽  
Nooraneda Mutalip Laidey ◽  
Rizwanah Shouket Ali

The 14th Malaysia General Elections (GE14) in 2018 witnessed a historic victory for the opposition party led by Tun Mahathir Mohamed against the 60 years government holding party; BN coalition. Concurrently, it also witnessed social media tools; WhatsApp and Facebook as the most dominant and effective messaging tools, but also a source of fake and unverified news; followed by blogs and other sources. Prior to the election, the Anti-Fake News Act 2018 had been enforced in April 2018 where any creation, offering, publishing, distribution or dissemination of fake news is a crime. This research explores the effect of Anti-Fake News Act 2018 on netizens' political engagement through Facebook and Whatsapp during the 14th Malaysia General Election 2018 with impulsivity and habitual conduct as moderators. Data has been collected from 556 participants through online survey based on a framework integrating Theory of Planned Behaviour (TPB) and Self Control Theory (SCT). Limited studies have tested the integration of TPB and SCT on knowledge about Anti-Fake News Act 2018 and political engagement. The findings of the study explain the influence of knowledge, impulsivity and habitual conduct on political engagement among Malaysian netizens through Facebook and Whatsapp during the GE14. Political engagement intensity has changed consequently after the Anti-Fake News Act 2018’s enforcement due to impulsivity. This study further adds to the literature in the area of online political participation and cyber law; uncovering the role of impulsivity and habitual conduct on netizens’ political engagement, suggesting the basis for future research in this phenomenon.


Author(s):  
Dilwyn Porter

This chapter explores the role of sport in the construction of national identity. It focuses initially on sport as a cultural practice possessing the demonstrable capacity to generate events and experiences through which imagined communities are made real. The governments of nation-states or other political agencies might intervene directly in this process, using sport as a form of propaganda to achieve this effect. More often, however, the relationship between sport and national identity is reproduced in everyday life, flagged daily by the mass media as an expression of banal nationalism. Particular attention is given to the role of sports that are indigenous to particular nations and also to sports engaged in competitively between nations. These have contributed in different ways to the making of national identities.


10.16993/bbm ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Monica Grini

Sápmi, the Sámi area, is transnational; it transcends four nation states, Norway, Sweden, Finland, and Russia. Art and art history has been considered natural parts of a nation state’s inventory at least since the 19th century and has contributed to the production and maintenance of national identities and narratives. What is the role of the nation state in art history, and how has the national paradigm affected the presentation of Sámi art, historically and today? Focusing on the discipline of art history in Norway, the volume exposes the prevailing representation of Sámi art, duodji, and dáidda as ethnographic material and relates it to the politics of nation building in the nineteenth and early twentieth century. The book examines the representation of Sámi art, artefacts, practices, materialites, actors, concepts, and themes in Norwegian Art History, to uncover some of the established disciplinary mechanisms and narratives. The central method is historiography in combination with fieldwork in archives and museums, aimed at doing art historiography in the expanded field – to move beyond the traditional textual focus and question naturalized institutional and disciplinary boundaries. This is one of very few historiographical studies of the art historical discipline in Norway, and the only one that does this by centring on Sámi traditions, items, actors, and conceptualizations.


2018 ◽  
Vol 62 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-70
Author(s):  
Antoni Z. Kamiński

The article is devoted to a critical analysis of current controversies concerning the Polish national identity, and the interpretation of the impact of nobles’ democracy on the demise of the Polish Lithuanian Commonwealth. It considers the role of national identity as a factor influencing civic culture and, therefore, determining its usefulness in assuring the proper functioning of the constitutional order. The analysis assumes that (1) the current global order is the product of the emergence of nation-states; (2) that a nation-state cannot exist without civil society grounded in the concept of national identity and patriotism. Patriotism is opposed here to nationalism; similarly, cosmopolitism is opposed to internationalism. Patriotism and cosmopolitism are compatible and imply an open-minded, inclusive attitude to different national identities. Both nationalism with its focus on superiority of one’s own nation, and internationalism — rejection of the nation-state in the name of an imaginary global, stateless community — are exclusive. These both exclusive postures present a threat to civil society.


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