scholarly journals African Union-Led Peacekeeping Operations: Constraints and Opportunities of Interagency Cooperation in the Experience of Burundi and South Africa

Author(s):  
Gervais Rufyikiri
2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 8-33
Author(s):  
Florencia Rubiolo

Abstract: The diplomatic ties between Africa and Southeast Asia (SEA) have historically been sporadic and erratic. The only country in the SEA that the first decades after independence maintained a relatively narrower link to some African countries was Indonesia. Today, trade has gained momentum, being South Africa, Egypt and Nigeria, the largest trading partners of ASEAN in Africa, thanks to the growth rates of emerging countries in both regions.This increasing trade relation has been accompanied by some political diplomatic initiatives such as the AASROC (Asian African Sub Regional Organizations Conference), theNAASP (New Asian African Strategic Partnership) and the interregional approach between ASEAN and the African Union (may 2012). And, in the cases of Thailand, Indonesia and Malaysia, there has also been a slight development in bilateral relations. From a South-South perspective, our aim in this paper is to discuss the density and possibilities of this bilateral and multilateral relation and what consequences might bring to Africa.Keywords: Africa – Southeast Asia foreign policy – South South relations – diversification


Author(s):  
Waseem Ishaque

Peacekeeping has become a far more complex and multifaceted phenomenon due to the emerging non-traditional security threats and the changing nature of intrastate conflicts. This paper focuses on the evolving trends in peacekeeping operations and illuminates the transition from 'traditional‘ to a 'robust‘ and 'hybrid‘ peacekeeping model. In doing so, the paper presents the hybrid United Nations and African Union (UN-AU) peacekeeping model as a pilot project in Darfur. It further highlights the extent to which the model proved to be effective and inclusive, and secured financial and troop-contributing obligations jointly by the UN and AU. Furthermore, understanding the dialectics of 'traditional‘ and 'hybrid‘ peacekeeping operations has been analyzed through positive peace. Overall, the article highlights the essential contours of United Nations–African Union Mission in Darfur (UNAMID) transition from AMIS and inquires its contribution towards peacebuilding and developing the state institution, thus ensuring sustainable peace and stability.


Author(s):  
Hennie Strydom

This chapter describes South Africa’s law governing the immunity of foreign states and officials, as well as of regional organizations. As the chapter explains, this law is made up of a combination of customary international law, international treaty law, English law, parliamentary legislation, and constitutional law. The chapter begins by describing the domestic status of international law in South Africa. It then describes in detail the 1981 Foreign States Immunities Act, including the various limitations on and exceptions to immunity set forth in the Act. After discussing the immunity of foreign states, it addresses head of state and diplomatic immunities and describes the controversial Bashir case from 2015 concerning a request from the International Criminal Court that South Africa arrest and surrender a sitting head of state. Finally, the chapter discusses the immunity of regional organizations and their staff, in particular the African Union and the South African Development Community.


Significance The split between Qatar and its neighbours has pushed a few small African countries to side with Saudi Arabia, but leaves the continent’s leading powers and several conflict-afflicted nations eager to stay neutral -- for now. In sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) -- where Gulf countries have strong diplomatic ties and major economic investments -- the crisis has had significant political effects. Impacts The withdrawal of Qatari peacekeepers from the Djibouti-Eritrea border will become a pressing concern for the African Union. Ongoing expulsions of African migrants from Saudi Arabia will complicate Saudi and Emirati efforts to find African partners against Qatar. Countries such as South Africa and Nigeria may begin to act more assertively in calling for neutrality.


2002 ◽  
Vol 3 (8) ◽  
Author(s):  
Holger Hestermeyer

During their inaugural meeting in Durban, South Africa, on 9 July 2002 the African heads of state replaced the 39-year-old Organization of African Unity (OAU) with the latest international organization: the African Union (AU). With the exception of Morocco that was not a member of the OAU and Madagascar, whose president is not recognized by the OAU/AU all African heads of state attended the ceremony. The AU will be headquartered in Addis Ababa in the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia.


Author(s):  
Mavhungu Elias Musitha

This chapter has argued that South Africa is not xenophobic contrary to media and some scholars' opinions. It has been shown that xenophobia is not only about hatred to foreign nationals but that foreign nationals collude with national ones in forming rival groups to compete for economic gains. This dispels the theory that the country is xenophobic since hatred and fear are not easy to measure. It also offered that contrary to the theory that migration gives rise to xenophobia with movements of the people crossing borders, the real cause of migration in this case is underdevelopment that followed the occupation of the continent by the European countries. The borders they imposed were designed to divide and rule the continent, and Africa must resolve the border issue, the land issue; teach the history of the continent; and hold festivals with SADC countries to show the unity of the continent. The African Union should have a permanent agenda issue on the unity of the continent.


Author(s):  
James Leigland

This chapter presents a case study of the Maputo Corridor toll road concession, linking South Africa with neighboring Mozambique. As the first cross-border transport PPP in SSA, this project is the first PPP in the region with a claim to the kind of “transformational” qualities that the G20 and the African Union have been hoping will dramatically improve infrastructure across the continent. The continent includes many landlocked countries as well as countries that are too small and poor to be able to finance adequate power and transport infrastructure without the collaboration of neighbors. However, this project is still the only cross-border toll road concession ever completed in SSA. Why have no similar projects ever been completed in Africa? What makes the Maputo toll road a unique project? What lessons can we learn from the Maputo project about the likely success of cross-border transformational PPPs in SSA?


Author(s):  
Marina E. Henke

This chapter assesses how the United Nations, in cooperation with the African Union, formed one of the largest and most expensive peacekeeping operations ever deployed to stop the bloodshed in Darfur. The operation took the name United Nations–African Union Mission in Darfur (UNAMID). The United States initiated and orchestrated the most important political aspects that made the deployment of UNAMID possible. At the United Nations, the United States was intimately involved in the drafting and negotiation of UN resolutions pertaining to the Darfur issue and prodded various UN Security Council members to support the respective resolutions. Once UNAMID was approved by the UN Security Council, the United States was deeply involved in recruiting UNAMID participants. Some countries—such as Egypt, China, Canada, and Ethiopia—had a political stake in the Darfur conflict and thus volunteered forces to deploy to Darfur. Nevertheless, the large majority of countries did not join UNAMID on their own initiative. Rather, they were wooed into the coalition by the United States. U.S. officials thereby followed specific practices to recruit these troops. Many of these practices exploited diplomatic embeddedness: U.S. officials used preexisting ties to ascertain the deployment preferences of potential recruits and constructed issue linkages and side payments. The United States was assisted in the UNAMID coalition-building process by UN staff, most notably from the UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations (UNDPKO).


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francisco Thó Monteiro ◽  

ABSTRACT In 2007, the United Nations - African Union Hybrid Operation in Darfur (UNAMID) was established as the first joint peacekeeping operation (PKO) of the United Nations (UN), with the African Union (AU) in Darfur, Sudan, which became known as the first hybrid PKO, bringing together two of the largest international organizations and taking over AMIS (African Union Mission in Sudan). In this paper, we want to understand the purpose of this bilateral relationship, since this hybrid operation opened a window of opportunity for future operations to adopt this typology. Firstly, the responsibility of managing certain conflicts is distributed among other regional organizations, giving them more autonomy and responsibility. Secondly, the “burden” – human and financial – of the UN is somehow eased. To this end, we will gather and process the data relating to the strengths and weaknesses of this PKO typology, with the help of a SWOT analysis, to find clues and bring evidence to light that demonstrate the possibility of this model being replicated in future situations, while respecting the due differences inherent to each mission and each country and region. We concluded that the hybridization of more PKOs could be a reality, albeit dependent on a greater investment by regional organizations in adapting to UN procedures, namely through diverse types of training. In addition, it will always be necessary a prior and careful analysis regarding the implementation of a PKO of this typology, with a concrete and clear definition of the roles of each organization. KEYWORDS: hybrid peacekeeping; United Nations; peacekeeping operations; UNAMID; African Union.


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